437개의 게시물을 찾았습니다.
"Our Maximum Goal... Communism!"
A - in my opinion - very significant interview with Prachanda, the chairperson of the CPN(M), made by The Kathmandu Post and published yesterday(2.7) on the Nepalese eKantipur:
Prachanda: The understanding we have reached with the seven political parties is the bottom line at the moment. The 12-point understanding is the minimum base that democratic powers all over the world can accept and the country's crises can have an exit. After reaching the understanding, we extended the cease-fire by a month. Taking the people's verdict is the best democratic process. Once all are committed to move forward with the outcomes of the people's verdict, a political solution won't be distant. The events and history are testimony to the fact that the king and the palace don't want this.
Prachanda: Since we belong to a communist party, our maximum goals are socialism and communism. Those are the maximum goals of all those accepting Marxism, Leninism and Maoism as philosophical and ideological assumptions. Given the international power balance and the overall economic, political and social realities of the country, we can't attain those goals at the moment. We must accept this ground reality. We have mentioned democratic republic and constituent assembly, with the understanding that we should be flexible given the balance in the class struggle and international situation. This is a policy, not tactics. This is a necessary process for the bourgeoisie and the national capitalists alike, let alone the middle-class.
Prachanda: Yes. Constituent assembly is not a demand of the communists. It's a democratic process established by the capitalists a long time back.
We are not saying this as a tactic. We have adopted this policy due to today's balance in class powers and today's world situation so that the Nepali people won't have to endure any more troubles. On the one hand, those elites in the feudal palace, despite knowing it, call our policy just a tactic.
On the other, the Maoist movement has become the main fear of foreign powers - especially American imperialism. [They] have termed us a "momentary challenge". They have been looking at us strategically, saying that a "Maoist movement is flaring up in a land between giant countries
China and India, it can strike the whole world tomorrow." They are cautiously trying to give out a wrong message in this regard.
Prachanda: We are even ready to accept restoration of the dissolved House of Representatives if the seven parties say so. The only condition is: don't try to restore the authoritarian power. There are also shadows in the Supreme Court, so don't turn to that either. Restore the House by coming to the people, and we are ready to change the People's Army in a jiffy.
Prachanda: We have told the seven parties, let's form a common army by including your people. One of the bases of confusion about us is that we have an army, we have guns. There are confusions about to what extent we are committed to democracy. Let's sit together with all including the seven parties; let's decide together who should be commanders, commissars, chief of the army; let's make a common army. Let's make a national army. We have made this proposal to both Girija and Madhav, saying that this will make clear our understanding on democracy and constituent assembly. Maybe, on the one hand, we haven't been able to clarify the depth and meaning of the issue; and on the other hand, the imperialists and palace elements have spread propaganda against us, thereby creating confusions.
Prachanda: [laughing…]. The parties always continued to be hopeful of the palace right since 2007 B.S. [1951], they kept on making compromises with the palace. They should have more trust in the people, more trust in the people's power, should have led a people's decisive movement against feudal elements. We say, let's make a common army for constituent assembly and a democratic republic. Let's form a parallel government of the parties and the Maoists. You restore the House, we will support you; invite us for dialogue, we will come; let's make the army common by including all; that will make for an official and legitimate government. That will represent the majority people - the government of the [seven] parties and a party that rebelled. After forming such a government, we can approach the United Nations and the international community, saying 'this is the legitimate government of Nepal'. Since we have this kind of a proposal, how can it be about bringing the parties into the "People's War"? Rather, it's about us going for the parties' politics. It's about us going for a constituent assembly and a democratic republic. [It's about] us going for bourgeois democracy.
Prachanda: If all are ready to go for a constituent assembly, an interim government will be formed; the country will head towards elections for the constituent assembly; a ceasefire is undoubtedly attached to this; and it will create a climate for political debate. With the process of holding election by the interim government under way, there will be interaction with the parties and all the political forces in the country including the monarchists. As the election looms, let's maintain reliable international vigil on the Royal Army and the People's Liberation Army. The country will get a direction after the results of the election are out. Once it is clear, let's change the army and the weapons into a national army and national weapons respectively. The weapons of both sides should be put together and both the armies should be transformed into one under the supervision of the United Nations or another reliable agency. That will result in the national army.
Prachanda: The army will be formed according to the results of the election. This is what you should be clear about. We will accept it if the constituent assembly says we want monarchy. We are flexible even that far. We will accept it even if the people say we want an active monarch. If the people say 'republic', all should accept that. If the people go for, as has been said, a constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy, we are ready for that. We value people's votes, nobody else's. The army will be reformed as per the people's decision.
Prachanda: Flexible words are not enough to pressure the king. If it is thought that the king would agree to revive the House, it is a thought of seeking the king's mercy. What we want to tell the parties is let's directly go for republic. A section of middle-class intellectuals still wants the king to remain in a ceremonial capacity. Even if you want the king to remain in such a capacity, only the call for a republic will create enough pressure for that. The king must come to that point.
Prachanda: Since February 1(2005) last, we have had no contact whatsoever with the palace or the palace people, hence we haven't received any proposal. We have gotten an indication, through the UN people or other international agencies, that they [government] are trying to propose in a roundabout way a conditional constituent assembly. We reject it outright because "conditional" means "compromise", which is not a constituent assembly. A constituent assembly is without any conditions. Before February 1, we had said we would talk to the king, not the parties. We had said we wanted to talk [with him] for progress. After he started to go towards regression with all the powers, there was no room for holding talks with him.
Prachanda: The power of the old regime rested in the king because the main organ of the regime, the army, was under him. He termed us "deviated" and "terrorists" when he staged the February 1 coup. It was proven that he didn't want to solve the problems even after taking absolute powers, by telling the parties off. The doors for talks were closed.
Bhattarai: He should have said 'okay I have come, let's solve the problems together'! He started saying 'I won't give you the rights you enjoyed till yesterday'.
Prachanda: That's the logic. The situation would have altered had he said 'Nobody did really work out, now the Maoists also come for dialogue, I want to give a try for a way out'.
Prachanda: America has been saying this. The biggest terrorist of the world today is America, and its ruling class. They gave birth to Bin Laden and Saddam Hussein. Iraq is in the making of another Vietnam, Afghanistan is on the way. They call us terrorist? They have been giving impetus to the purely traditional force of calling the people subjects. You must have met [US Ambassador] Moriarty several times. He exaggerates while talking about us. As if the Maoists will take over, as if they will surround Kathmandu when we are not in that position. What they have been saying in a roundabout way is that the army is nice, but the king didn't understand. Has America tried to make the people sovereign anywhere? Why is America afraid of us? Because it is in an ideological crisis.
Prachanda: We are investigating what mistakes our classes have made in the 20th century. We reviewed three years ago that the mechanism of running the state was not that democratic, was more mechanical, the people started to become monotonous in the 20th century communist movement, especially after the demise of Lenin. We passed a decision that we will go for a new people's democracy consistent with the 21st century. We aren't just saying democratic republic. The think tanks of American imperialism have well understood, though Nepal is a small country they have been forced to say, that this is the most successful revolution of the 21st century. If it's successful in Nepal, it has and will have direct impact on the one billion people of India, and it will also spill over into China. When it affects two or two and a half billion people, it means it will have impact all over the world. American intellectuals have understood this. That's why, they are of the opinion that the Maoists shouldn't prevail, rather it's alright to have an autocratic regime. Don't we know who made Marcos? Who brought Pinochet forward in Chile?
Prachanda: We think so. Facts substantiate that. Even the parties are in confusion about whether we will prevail. Sometimes, we feel sad. We have told the parties, you take the leadership role, we don't need it. The only thing is that the country should find a way out. We have said that the party leaders can lead the democracy. We are not in a hurry to lead the nation.
Prachanda: On the one hand, the political forces within the country are not able to convince one another. Secondly, it is the geopolitics between two giant countries - China and India. International mediation is essential due to these reasons. We think that the UN is the best option, but we don't stick to that alone. The UN or any other reliable organization will work. It should be agreeable to China, India and the United States. We want no bloodshed. We want the bloodshed to stop and go for a solution, but if we don't take action, he won't give us the rights. Obviously the three-month cease-fire was for finding an exit. The king has said that the "momentary cease-fire" was a ploy to intensify violence. We didn't have that intention. The cease-fire was a pressure for a peaceful way out, not a tactic. Later, we added one more month so as to further pressurize the king for a peaceful way out. He thought - their backbone has been broken, they have announced cease-fire for power accumulation!
Prachanda: We can't go for talks only with a ceasefire. We should look into the intention behind the truce. If the ceasefire comes as a card with the intention of defusing the movement, we won't accept it.
Prachanda: We are open to holding unconditional discussions on all issues including constituent assembly. We will reciprocate positively if the ceasefire seems to be leading to meaningful dialogue. But, we don't see that possibility.
Prachanda: I can't answer this question like an astrologer. If things go as we have said, it should end in two to three months. We want to see things crystal clear by April 6. We have been trying to see the civil war has an outlet.
Prachanda: The base of feudalism has been uprooted in the villages. The people are in the forefront of the world population when it comes to political consciousness. When we started the movement, there were not more than 70 full-time members in the party. Our movement grew in multiples wherever there was suppression. Within five years, it became a big power at the national level. So many people came to join us that it became like a people's movement.
Prachanda: Yes, that's absolutely true. People of all kinds came to join us. A little bit of freedom, anarchy and conservativeness started to become visible. Militarily, after we successfully carried out big operations in Dang, Gam, Achham, Arghakhanchi, Jumla, Satbariya, we had thought the army would lose faster than the police, maybe within a year or two. There was increase in multiples in the military prowess in preparation for capturing Kathmandu. Before that, the rulers of America and India got too serious. Weapons came from America, training from America, American fortification came and American money came. All the things came from America and India. They got strong fortifications. On the one hand, the war got prolonged. There was too much propaganda against us, which we couldn't stop. On the other, we couldn't provide ideological and political training to the new recruits. They came as they were. When we were getting over all these shortcomings, you saw internal rift within us.
Prachanda: Yes, along with February One, which was the irony.
Prachanda: We have thought there are certain changes post-February 1. But, India and America don't want to finish the monarchy off. They want the monarchy to come to a compromise. Maybe they are bargaining."
http://www.kantipuronline.com/interview.php?nid=64876
No comment from me! Please find out your own opinion about it!
NEPAL: GENERAL STRIKE!!
Since yesterday(2.5) in all across Nepal a General Strike, called by the CPN(M), is taking place for the next 7 days. The CPN(M) and the liberation forces want to protest with this strike against the so-called (municipality)'election' on coming Wednesday, organized by the ruling regime(of the King).
Yesterday in Kathmandu: General Strike, no public traffic anymore..
According to(bourgeois) Nepalese media, except in some parts of the capital Kathmandu, the public life in the entire country is affected. "Reports from Nepalgunj, Pokhara and Biratnagar, the major towns in the mid-western, western and eastern Nepal respectively, said that the strike has brought the normal life there to a complete standstill.", eKandipur reported yesterday. http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=64679
Agit-prop in Kathmandu against the regime
Meanwhile in the last days many activists of the democratic opposition and progressive journalists were arrested by the repression forces, Nepalese media reported.
Until now there are no independent informations available...
"We should have killed all those who defiled the Prophet Muhammad, but instead we are protesting in peace.", Hamas official Mahmoud al-Zahar in the Italian newspaper Il Giornale.
The Danish embassy in Damascus, Syria
In the yesterday's edition of the German magazine Der Spiegel following article was published (btw, with many things in this article I don't agree!!):
Opinion: Democracy in a Cartoon
The Guardian
Protesters set fire to embassies
IHT/NYT
Armed protest in front of the French Culture Center in Gaza
Last but not least, of course some of the so-called 'left' groups/organizations, such as WSP('Socialist' Workers Party etc.), are supporting the reactionary riots. Even in London they were joining the march against the Danish embassy("Britain, you will pay, 7/7* on its way!"..). Welcome in the 21 century!!
* 7/7 was the date of the bomb attack against the London subway
..THE YEAR OF TOLERANCE(?)
Last year in September the Danish newspaper Jyllands Posten published 12 caricatures about the Islam, or better what the cartoonists are thinking when they be asked about their opinion about the Islam.
Now, since several days nearly the entire Muslim world is exploding. Yesterday in Jakarta Muslim ‚activists‘ stormed the Danish embassy and demanded the "slaughter of the ambassador". The day before thousands of activists in Yeman demonstrated against Denmark and other Scandinavian countries. In the territories of the Palestinian ‚Authorithy‘ armed groups stormed offices of the EU and European organizations and declared European employees as "legitime targets". Also before y’day a German volonteer was kidnapped in Nablus(and shortly later released, because the kidnappers found out that he was not a Dane..).
Since decades every day especially Arab newspapers are full with caricatures against the Jews, the New Christian(no chr.!^^) Crusaders or the bad influence of the Western life style and ‚democracy‘. Even cartoonists in the West are following this way(for example the Brazilian Latuf),
but not even in Tel Aviv someone is caring about it... nobody is threaten in Europe to burn down Arab embassies or to hurt Muslims as "legitime targets"(and also no Israeli was/is targeting the S. Korean publishers of this 'cartoons' by Latuf..).
It seems that the struggle of free speech against religious dictatorship(well, call it "The Clash of the Civilisations"..) is just beginning. BTW: If the "new fighters against self-censorship" would also fight against their self-censorship in the case of the war in Iraq, or about Guantanamo, or secret torture prisons... then the 'democracy' would win a lot! But, actually, I don't believe, not really...
If you have any idea about it, critic(even against my text) or note, just write a memo!!
Well, here some of the caricatures in Jyllands Posten:
More about the last developments about this issue you can read here:
http://media.guardian.co.uk/site/story/0,,1700733,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/religion/Story/0,,1701518,00.html
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/678527.html
http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/02/03/news/islam.php
...and so on, and so on - just check out the international media!
Hundreds of political activists, journalists arrested during protests
Hundreds of leaders and activists of the seven agitating political parties, human rights workers and journalists were arrested from protest rallies around the country organised to mark last year’s February 1 royal move as ‘black day’ on Wednesday.
In Kathmandu, at least two dozen leaders and activists of the seven-party alliance were rounded up when riot police intervened into their demonstration at New Road, a restricted area, this afternoon.
Hundreds of agitators who gathered at New Road at around 2:00 p.m. waved black flags and chanted slogans against the ‘repressive’ royal regime and demanded immediate restoration of democracy in the country.
The seven parties took out protest rallies from Teku, Kalimati and Basantpur and clashes between the police and the agitators were reported at some places. Security forces also barred the parties from holding a mass gathering at Basantapur.
Sporadic protests continue around New Road areas at the moment, our correspondent on the site said over the phone.
Similarly, hundreds of seven-party protesters were rounded up in Biratnagar, Jhapa, Pokhara, Rajbiraj, Dang, Banke and various other places during the ‘black day’ demonstrations, reports said. There were also reports of scuffles during the protests.
Meanwhile, security men opened blank fire to disperse the agitators in Bhadrapur, Jhapa, this afternoon. Few protesters were also beaten up by the police, reports quoting local leaders of the Nepali Congress said.
Similarly, dozens of journalists and human rights activists were apprehended from protest rallies in Kaski, Ilam, Khotang, Jhapa, Udaypur, Tapjejung Banke and many other places. Demanding press freedom and freedom of expression, journalists staged demonstration in Banke’s Nepalgunj, before a daylong curfew started at 11:00 a.m.
The Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) is organising a major demonstration in the restricted areas in central Kathmandu from 4:00 p.m. nepalnews.com mk Feb 01 06
Over two dozen protesting journalists arrested, two injured in Kathmandu
Telephones of over 100 leaders cut
Al-Jazeera
Maoists kill 20 in Nepal offensive
IHT/AP
Nepalese king talks of progress as rebels kill at least 20
Senior US Admiral in Nepal
Kantipur Report
Well, before y'day I wrote that, perhaps, the mainstream media in the 'West' will not report about the developments in Nepal, but just y'day I found following article in the UK magazine The Observer
Nepal under reign of terror as king unleashes army to crush revolt
Maoists and restless politicians threaten his throne. Now the autocrat is turning to torture and murder, reports Ed Douglas from Kathmandu
Sunday January 29, 2006
The Observer
Police spent the next two hours fighting with activists and firing tear gas across temple roofs. Troops stood behind police lines, one or two raising their M16 rifles as the protest intensified. More than 200 people were arrested, among them a Polish tourist caught with protesters escaping down the city's ancient narrow alleyways.
Demonstrations against the king continued this weekend throughout Nepal, ahead of the municipal elections called for 8 February. These have been boycotted by all mainstream parties, which see them as a propaganda stunt and are demanding that the king return power to parliament first. Attacks by Maoist rebels last week, including the assassination of Bijaylal Das, a candidate in Dhanusha district, have further undermined the elections. Only one in three wards has attracted even one candidate.
Yesterday the government gathered candidates into 'safe houses' for their own protection. 'This is a precautionary measure keeping in view the security threats to candidates from the Maoists,' a government official said from Sarlahi district, a rebel stronghold in the east.
Candidates were taken to heavily guarded public buildings near army or police posts after filing their nominations. 'We have provided separate security guards to those who are unwilling to stay in groups,' another official said.
King Gyanendra now has two enemies - the Maoist insurgency, which marks its tenth anniversary on 13 February, and the political parties that have rediscovered their confidence after his coup. Analysts agree the chaos could see the king stripped of his power and even his throne. 'Last year there were many who welcomed the king's move,' said Rajendra Dahal, editor of the newspaper Himal khabarpatrik. 'But now the same people are opposing the king's government. It's a complete turnaround.'
The king's deepening unpopularity is a consequence, Dahal says, of his autocratic style, the country's woeful economic performance and his failure to make any progress in resolving the civil war with the Maoists. The rebels now control much of Nepal beyond the Kathmandu valley and urban centres. Almost 13,000 people have been killed, two-thirds of them by the security forces. Dozens have died in the past week.
The Royal Nepalese Army's influence has mushroomed, with the security forces drawing more government revenues and intimidating opponents. 'Nepalis don't know the reality of the king's relationship with the army,' says Dahal. 'Maybe the king is under the control of the army now.' Nepal's army and police both contribute personnel to UN peacekeeping missions. Both have routinely used illegal detention and murder throughout the 10-year conflict with the Maoists. According to the Nepalese human rights organisation Huron, 599 people have 'disappeared' at the hands of the state, and the whereabouts of only 130 have later been made public.
Bhaikaji Ghimere is one of the lucky ones. He was released from detention a few weeks ago after being held for 22 months without charge. At the time of his detention in 2003, Ghimere was working as a journalist for the left-of-centre fortnightly Samadhisti. That spring, during a ceasefire in the civil war, Ghimere got to know a Maoist activist called Bhim Giri. With Maoist leaders above ground for peace talks in Kathmandu, many Nepalese journalists rushed to improve their knowledge of the rebels. Ghimere's links would cost him dearly.
Soon after the ceasefire collapsed in August 2003, Ghimere says Giri called him to ask for a lift on Ghimere's motorbike. He says he did not want to, but felt under threat from Giri, who was now back in hiding. Just south of the tourist district of Thamel, Ghimere says, two men walked out in front of his motorcycle and blocked his path. Ghimere shouted at them to move. Another dozen men bundled him into a vehicle.
The men, Ghimere later learnt, were soldiers in plain clothes. They handcuffed and blindfolded him and took him into custody. The men were part of the Bhairavnath Battalion, then commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Raju Basnet. Scores of suspects, all arrested and detained without trial, were held at its headquarters in north Kathmandu. A few days before Ghimere's arrest, Basnet's brother, also a colonel in the army, had been shot dead by Maoists outside his home. Ghimere realised that the army believed Bhim Giri was responsible. For two days he was kept blindfolded and handcuffed while the security forces searched his paper's offices. On the third day, the beatings started.
Ghimere was brought before Basnet and told to strip. Ordered to admit that he was a Maoist, Ghimere was hit repeatedly with a lathi, or stick, and a plastic hosepipe. When he denied he was a rebel, Ghimere was rammed headfirst into an oil drum until he almost drowned. 'I kept telling them I was a journalist, not a Maoist. Finally, they asked me for my contacts. I couldn't take any more, but before I could gather my senses to tell them, I passed out.'
This month two Maoist prisoners also held with Ghimere began a hunger strike, appealing to the UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, for an investigation into the alleged deaths. Ghimere says none of the prisoners was given enough to eat, and they were forced to sleep with their hands bound behind their backs. 'Even now,' he says, 'I find myself sleeping with my hands in that position.'
His survival rests on a piece of paper smuggled out of jail by a sympathetic guard with his name and those of his fellow detainees on it and handed to the International Commission for the Red Cross. With pressure growing for his release, early last year Ghimere was continuously moved, enduring a mock execution and having incriminating evidence planted on him to provide 'evidence' of his guilt to the courts. He was released on 25 August last year.
The courts have been unable to bring most human rights cases to trial. Basnet was rewarded for his service with a tour of duty in Burundi as part of the UN's peacekeeping mission. How the army reacts in the next few weeks will be, Rajendra Dahal believes, critical to the nation's future. He detects a growing revulsion among junior officers for the army's oppressive style. 'If the king orders the army to open fire on mass crowds, then maybe they'll do it for the first hour. But after that they will refuse to shoot their own people. Absolute rule here is doomed within months.'
The king can still return to a constitutional monarchy, Dahal says. 'But if he refuses to back down, then he is finished.'
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1697365,00.html
NEPAL: CLASHES BETWEEN THE DEMOCRATIC/LIBERATION FORCES
AND THE REGIME ARE INCREASING
While the entire(?) world is watching the developments in the Near East(Palestine/Israel) the situation in the Himalaya Kingdom Nepal is extreme worsening. Since more than one week nearly daily massive attacks of the forces of repression against the democratic movement were/are reported. At the same time the battles between the liberation forces - CPN(M), People's Liberation Army(PLA) and the revolutionary militia/guerilla - and the Royal Nepalese Army(RNA) are increasing. Meanwhile even in larger cities the battles are taking place.
For the coming week(it will be the first anniversary of King Gyanendra's seizure of power) the democratic forces are planning massive protests all across the country... But it might mean that "machine of repression" will come to full power... and perhaps without any notice in the world media(perhaps even not in the so-called 'alternative, independent' media)...
Please read more coverages about the coming and last protests here:
'Black day' in Nepal next week (Al-Jazeera)
Nepalese(bourgeois) media:
11 rebels, two security personnel killed in Bhojpur clashes
Maoists attack in Bhojpur; explosions in Nepalgunj
Maoists shot and injure two policemen in Mahendranagar
Maoists attack Nepalgunj again; clash in Bhojpur
Alliance unveils new protest programmes to disrupt municipal polls
..and so on, and so on...
Please see also
PALESTINIANS CHOOSE HAMAS
Ramallah's Virtual Reality
By Henryk M. Broder
A Middle Eastern disaster is in the making say the pundits. But at least now it's clear where the Palestinians stand. They are lost in visions of heroic victory and resistance. Israel, meanwhile, has moved on.
There's an old saying in Cologne: "Et kütt, wie et kütt" -- "What happens, happens." Cologne residents, it should be mentioned, are considered the philosophers among Germans.
What does that have to do with Thursday's Palestinian elections? Those folks from Cologne seem to know what they're talking about. The extremists from Hamas have emerged with a sweeping victory in the parliamentary elections -- an absolute majority even, with 76 seats to just 43 for the Fatah faction. It has happened. Hamas will now play a decisive role in the government of the Palestinian Authority.
And now it's time for the pundits. Some saw it coming, others act surprised, but everyone agrees that the cards have been reshuffled. The peace process, most agree, will be put on ice and that the Palestinians will have to decide what they want: a political solution to the conflict, as President Mahmoud Abbas has sought; or armed conflict, as militant groups ranging from Islamic Jihad to the Fatah Movement's own Al-Aqsa Brigades have waged. Or a little of this and a little of that -- a policy to suit whichever way the political winds happen to be blowing at the time.
But let's stick to the facts: free elections are always a risk. There's always the possibility that a vote can be won by a party that is fit neither for power nor for the opposition because its platform is a recipe for disaster in either case. The Israelis have put such experiences behind them; now it's the Palestinians' turn. But there is one fundamental difference between the two. It took the Israelis a long, long time to come to terms with reality, but they did. They finally realized that there is such a thing as a Palestinian people; that there is no such thing as a "good occupation" acceptable to those occupied; that Israel is not alone in the world; and that if they want to avoid being left behind by history, they'll have to negotiate peace one day.
Basking in the glow of candlelight
It was these realizations that led to the Oslo Accords -- fully 12 years ago. In hindsight, it looks as though the Israelis not only pulled Arafat out of exile, but also out of political irrelevance. It was perhaps a naïve assumption that he would not only be capable of achieving law and order in his realm, but would also be willing to cooperate with the Israelis. Everyone knew that Arafat was corrupt, but just how corrupt has only become clear in retrospect.
The last thing Arafat wanted was a free, independent, sovereign Palestinian state to exist alongside Israel. Why should a man who had accumulated $900 million in his various accounts -- and who could afford to send his wife $100,000 a month in Paris -- give up the role of the revolutionary and instead turn his attention to garbage collection in Ramallah, the sewage system in Gaza and providing meals to schoolchildren in Nablus? All that was too mundane for Arafat. His specialty was to keep on fighting until he had achieved victory.
And the Israelis were foolish enough to give him the opportunity to position himself as the untiring fighter, under siege in his compound in Ramallah, basking in the glow of candlelight, surrounded by guests and companions willing to suffer with him and die if necessary. Attaining heroism couldn't have been cheaper.
Arafat's greatest crime was that he never told his people the truth. Perhaps he really believed that the Palestinians had time on their side -- that they would have to sacrifice two or three generations to outlast the occupation. But if that was Arafat's belief, it was a miscalculation. Time isn't on the Palestinians' side. In fact, it's working against them.
If they had accepted the autonomy arrangement former Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat negotiated in the first Camp David accords, a Palestinian state would probably exist by now. It would have limited sovereignty, be demilitarized and tied to Jordan, but it would be free of Israeli occupation. Instead, the Palestinians preferred to dance in the streets when "Sadat the traitor" was murdered.
Fundamental misunderstanding
Nowadays there is not a single Arab country -- not even Libya -- that wants to destroy Israel to help the Palestinians achieve justice. The almost daily terror combined with the deadly suicide bombings have not, as expected, demoralized Israel. Instead Israeli resolve to end the conflict unilaterally has strengthened: giving up Gaza; building the security fence; and perhaps even a gradual pullout from the West Bank, for which Gaza was merely a dress rehearsal.
Either the Palestinians haven't noticed any of this, or have fundamentally misunderstood it. Instead of confronting reality, they chose to stay in their virtual world -- a world in which every thought and every action was focused on the "right of return." Even armed with his good intentions, Mahmoud Abbas was unable to change that virtual world when he took over from Arafat.
That Hamas -- which has no interest in abandoning terrorism or backing down from its stated goal of destroying Israel -- won the election is hardly a disaster. Rather, it has established the necessary clarity. Israel will continue with its policy of unilateral action and will leave the Palestinians to their own devices.
The outcome of the election was likely also related to the dark fantasies of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. His outlandish comments may have inspired absurd hopes that Israel could somehow be convinced to destroy itself -- to give up its territory and return to Europe in order to sidestep a military defeat that would spell the end of the Jewish state.
But Ahmadinejad miscalculated. He made it brutally clear to the Israelis where the real danger lurks -- not in Hebron, Nablus or Bethlehem, but in Tehran. He also made it clear that the Israelis will be forced to end the occupation because they'll need all of their political strength and military resources to confront this threat.
On the other hand, few predictions made about the Middle East these days are likely to last more than a week. It's quite possible that the Hamas leaders will undergo a transformation similar to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's the minute they come into power. There are no indications that this is likely to happen, but it also isn't out of the question. In the best case, this kind of process could take 10 to 20 years. During this time, Israel will continue to act unilaterally. Meanwhile, the Palestinians will end up with less than they would have had in 1980, 1990 or 2000.
It's bitter, but it's reality. What happens, happens.
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1.27 Gaza. Fatah's protest, or celebration??
More about the issue here:
Haaretz
Fatah members urge PA to reject gov't with Hamas
Jerusalem Post
Fatah members protesting Hamas win storm Gaza streets
IHT/New York Times
Abbas will ask Hamas to form new government
Islamic Resistance Movement(HAMAS) is the winner of the parliamentarian election in the Palestinian Territories
(Parhaps this is not a day for celebrations..)
Official results: Hamas takes 76 PLC seats to Fatah's 43
Violent clashes erupt in Ramallah; Hamas wins in every district except Kalkilya and Jericho, takes East Jerusalem
Jerusalem Post
Yedioth Ahronot/Ynet
Hamas wins 76 seats in 132-seat house, Fatah 43
Fatah will not join Hamas-led government
Haaretz
The Guardian
Hamas Wins Majority In Palestinian Elections
Washington Post
Al-Jazeera
...and so on, and so on...
Perhaps later more about it, but with more contents...
..ok, and here it comes:
Netanyahu: 'Hamastan' was created before our eyes
Iran says hopes Hamas victory will unite Palestinians
Haaretz
Hamas's charter: The martyrs' oath
Netanyahu warns of birth of Hamastan
A terrorist regime
Jerusalem Post
Hamas Election Victory: A Vote for Clarity
'The Electronic Intifada'
The Palestinian Authority(http://www.memri.org/palestinian.html), since 1.25,...nothing new...
Please check out also
The Palestinian Information Center (possibly Hamas... "But if you want to fight your enemy, you have to study him/her"
http://www.palestine-info.co.uk/
Anyway, the 'future' is watching you...
The first official election results will be published at around 7/8pm, CET(1.27, 3/4am 'at home'). Be patience and don't go to bed!!^^
Jerusalem Post (Israeli rightwing daily)
IDF faces two-headed Hamas monster
Al-Jazeera
Palestinian PM quits after poll upset
The Guardian (UK)
Palestinian PM and cabinet quit
Haaretz ('left-liberal' daily in Israel)
Hamas wins absolute parliamentary majority
Abbas: We must honor the results of the elections
Arab world jubliant at 'earthquake' of Hamas victory
Ynet
The German magazine Der Spiegel published today following article:
PALESTINIAN VOTE
Election Uncertainty Continues, Palestinian Cabinet Resigns
By Yassin Musharbash in Ramallah
On Wednesday, Palestinians went to the polls to elect a new parliament. That night, the tension was almost unbearable. Would Fatah come out on top once again? Or would the radicals from Hamas take over? The Palestinian future is in the ballots.
They filled the evening with celebratory gunfire; they caused traffic jams as they took to the streets in cars draped with the flags of their parties; they chanted battle hymns. Palestinians had much to celebrate on Wednesday -- they voted for a parliament for the first time in 10 years without any major violent incidents. But a vote that left Palestinians celebrating could soon turn into a headache for Israelis, Americans and Europeans who oppose the rise of the radical extremist Hamas party. Hamas looks set to become one of the two largest parties in the Palestinian parliament.
Ballots are still being counted in the Palestinian Authority, but it appears clear that the radical Islamic Hamas party will have an important future in parliament. Exit polls showed a slight lead for the governing Fatah, but neither party appeared ready to concede to the other on Thursday morning. Nevertheless, given indications that Hamas may be nosing ahead, the entire Palestinian cabinet, led by Prime Minister Ahmed Qureia, resigned on Thursday morning.
The apprehension about the results of the election wasn't reserved for the Palestinians alone. Given the apparent electoral success of Hamas -- a group which has yet to back away from its call for the destruction of Israel -- the Israeli cabinet, led by acting Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, is planning to meet later Thursday.
"Israel can't accept a situation in which Hamas, in its present form as a terror group calling for the destruction of Israel, will be part of the Palestinian Authority without disarming," said Olmert on Thursday. "I won't hold negotiations with a government that does not stick to its most basic obligation of fighting terror."
Others, too, indicated that Hamas must first renounce violence before the international community can work with them. In a comment intended for Hamas, US President George W. Bush said in a Wall Street Journal interview, "Not until you renounce your desire to destroy Israel will we deal with you."
Benita Ferrero-Walder, the European Union Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, echoed these sentiments. "We are in principle ready to work with any government of the Palestinians that would seek peace by peaceful means," she told Reuters.
A long night of self-hypnosis
In the Palestinian Authority, though, just how much power Hamas might end up with was the question of the night on Wednesday night. "God be willing, we will be able to confirm in the coming hours that we have a majority in parliament or that we at least have a stalemate," a spokesman for Hamas announced at 2 a.m. "At the very least, despite our losses, we will still be the largest party in parliament," a high-ranking Fatah politician also declared. And Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah declared his political movement the winner of the election. For political leaders from both sides, it was a long night of self-hypnosis.
But the truth is that nobody knows for certain who won and how many seats each party will get. The first official figures in the election are expected later Thursday. The two main adversaries in the poll -- the governing Fatah and Hamas, which has until now had no role in the government -- nevertheless celebrated what they considered to be victories.
Two exit polls published shortly after polling stations closed on Wednesday showed the governing Fatah with a slight lead over Hamas. But both suggested that a political earthquake had struck the Palestinian territories: Even with Fatah in the lead, Hamas would still, at the very least, become the strongest Palestinian opposition party. Fatah, meanwhile, appears to have lost the absolute majority it enjoyed in the 132-seat parliament.
A euphoric mood pervaded Hamas headquarters early Thursday. The vote represented a massive boost for a party whose militant arm has been condemned as a terrorist organization and international pariah by both the United States and the European Union. The militant wing of Hamas has been responsbile for killing countless Israeli citizens in terrorist attacks.
"Honestly, we hadn't even considered that we might win," one reserved voter said. Volunteers at party headquarters held as many as three cell phones to their ears as they sat at a conference table and punched results from the polling stations inito computers. "Hamas: 147 votes, Fatah, 123 votes." The Islamists aren't content to rely on forecasts and exit polls -- they want to count every single vote, as fast as they can. "It's possible that before this is all over, we're going to lead the Autonomous Authority," said Mahmud Ramahi, an incoming Hamas member of parliament, who is clearly surprised by the result.
Is there a party of national unity?
At the same time, Fatah youth were driving through the Ramallah city center, honking their horns and shooting into the sky. They weren't, it seemed, aware of just how close the results were. "We've won!" they sang. But the truth is, no matter what the final results look like, Fatah has lost influence. And they know it. Which makes their foray through the city more of a publicity stunt -- to delay the inevitability of admitting Fatah's weakened hold on Palestinian power.
"I would rather have a national unity government," said the 19-year-old student Lutfi. He's talking about a cabinet made up of ministers from all Palestinian parties -- including those smaller groups who will likely end up with less than 5 percent of the vote. The motivation for such a government is clear: A national unity government could be sold as a national project representing everybody -- and it would camouflage the fact that Hamas is now a major center of political power in the Palestinian Authority.
Lutfi isn't the only one. The idea of such an all-inclusive government is also one which many in the Hamas camp are partial to -- even in the case of an absolute majority for the radical group. Hamas, after all, doesn't want to repel Fatah supporters -- and Hamas is aware that many voters chose them out of frustration rather than political conviction. The electoral shift toward Hamas is far from indicative of a renunciation of the Fatah position, which contrary to Hamas continues to support negotiating with Israel. "We have to seriously reflect on exactly how we move ahead," warned the newly elected representative Ramahi.
The poker game gets underway
Given the uncertainty of exactly what the election results mean, it's hardly surprising that the emotions in the Palestinian Authority on Wednesday night were all over the map -- from giggling Hamas supporters to Fatah activists drowning their sorrows. But there were also Fatah voters celebrating victory, and Hamas members nervously chewing their nails in the realization that only a governing majority would be acceptable. They don't want to merely be a strong opposition party. Despite the raw emotions on display Wednesday night, however, there was no violence.
The first election results should be available on Thursday evening -- and when the numbers are published, the picture of who won and who lost will become clearer. Then, the Palestinians will begin putting together a government. And only then can the real poker game get started.
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