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게시물에서 찾기2005/02

20개의 게시물을 찾았습니다.

  1. 2005/02/12
    다시: 新年好!
    no chr.!
  2. 2005/02/11
    Iraq: A Post-election Analysis
    no chr.!
  3. 2005/02/09
    설날...
    no chr.!
  4. 2005/02/08
    光화門...
    no chr.!
  5. 2005/02/08
    They don't think this is funny
    no chr.!
  6. 2005/02/08
    How I entered the hellish world of Guantanamo Bay
    no chr.!
  7. 2005/02/05
    Yesterday's(02.04) struggle against the KTX project..(1)
    no chr.!
  8. 2005/02/05
    Before yesterday in front of Kyobo B/D
    no chr.!
  9. 2005/02/04
    Yesterday (05.02.03) in front of Kyobo B/D
    no chr.!
  10. 2005/02/01
    Today/광화문/매일 천성산 투쟁...
    no chr.!

다시: 新年好!

 

 

Before y'day we, activists of ETU-MB, celebrated the local (Chinese) New Year with a nice, but also a kind of great getting-together. Some Bangladeshi comrades made a delicious dinner and later we discussed for a while our, the trade union's, situation. Of course everything was finished by a small party. On the picture you see our present "leader" of the "gang" playing a traditional Korean game. Anyway - just once again: Happy &Revolutionary New Year!

 

사용자 삽입 이미지

 

 

 

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Iraq: A Post-election Analysis

After several unsuccessful attempts to get an analysis of the post-election situation and a possible future by our contact persons in Iraq, I have chosen following not un-interesting view of the (possible) next developments between the Euphrat and Tigris. The Shi'ites' Faustian pact By Pepe Escobar (Asia Times, Feb 10) In Najaf, the holy Shi'ite city, the grand ayatollahs are busy advancing a religious agenda: Ali al-Sistani, Mohammad Ishaq al-Fayad, Bashir al-Najafi and Mohammad Said Hakim compose the al-marja' iyyah (source of infallible authority on all religious matters). They are unanimous: the Shi'ite religious parties, the big winners in the elections, must implement Sharia (Islamic) law - and in fact this is one of the parties' top priorities. This does not mean that Sistani wants - or needs - to control an Iraqi theocracy: it means that the Shi'ite religious parties themselves - led by secular people - will give birth to an Iraqi Islamic republic. Sistani's representatives have been stressing in the past few days that what matters for the grand ayatollah is equal rights for all. According to his senior aide, Mohammad al-Haboubi, the top priority in the writing of the future Iraqi constitution is "the preservation of the rights of all citizens, majority or minority, so they are all equal in the eyes of the law". Most Shi'ite scholars insist the Americans must stay away from the writing of the new constitution. Whether the Americans like it or not, Sharia law will prevail over civil law. What's left is a matter of degree: how deep will Sharia in Iraq rule over everything - apart from stating that women may not shake hands with men, music is allowed only "if it is not for enjoyment" and daughters inherit less than sons? Sistani will have the last word as far as who will be the new Iraqi prime minister, not to mention the turbulent process of drafting the permanent constitution. He will refuse to allow the Kurds a veto power over the constitution - something they already have thanks to an administrative law passed by the Americans. Baghdad sources confirm that a key reason for Sistani to "bless" the Shi'ite-dominated United Iraqi Alliance (UIA) was that he was assured a primordial role in drafting the constitution. Moreover, Sistani himself is infinitely more popular and respected than the two main Shi'ite parties, the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the Da'wa Party. For the majority of Sunnis and even for some secular Shi'ites, they are Iranian agents: during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, the SCIRI was on Iran's side, ie against Saddam. Without Sistani's "blessing", these parties would never have been voted for en masse on January 30. What about all that oil? Abdel Mahdi, currently the finance minister and a member of the SCIRI, remains a strong contender for prime minister, alongside Ibrahim al-Jafaari of Da'wa. On December 22, Mahdi - with US Under Secretary of State Alan Larson by his side - told the National Press Club in Washington in so many words, and to the delight of corporate US oil majors, that a new oil law would privatize Iraq's oil industry. The new law would allow investment in both downstream and "maybe even upstream" operations, meaning foreigners could become de facto owners of Iraqi oilfields. No wonder Mahdi has been touted by US corporate media as the next best candidate for prime minister after "the Americans' man", former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) asset and current Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. Apart from an item by Inter Press Service at the time, Antonia Juhasz, a Foreign Policy in Focus scholar currently writing a book about the economic invasion of Iraq, has been the only one to sound alarm bells: Is it possible that Washington has made a deal - oil for power - with the SCIRI? This is the fine print that President George W Bush's freedom rhetoric does not cover. Iraq may have a new "elected" National Assembly and a new Iraqi constitution may be written in the next few months. But the fact is that during 2005 the US remains in total control. Follow the money: US$24 billion funded by American taxpayers toward the reconstruction, plus all the rules that have been passed by the US that control Iraq's economy, plus the military occupation. Both the billions of dollars and the maze of rules are controlled by auditors sitting in every Iraqi ministry for five years, all of them appointed (and controlled) by the Americans. The only thing that the Bush administration does not control in Iraq is unlimited, no-holds-barred access to oil - which anyone familiar with Vice President Dick Cheney's world view knows to be the key reason for the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The whole point of an indefinite, muscular US military presence in Iraq (14 military bases, more than 100,000 troops, the massive embassy in Baghdad, the CIA-trained "Salvador option" death squads) would be to protect US corporate interests in the oil industry. But the possibility of a law privatizing Iraq's oil coming to pass under a UIA-dominated government is less than zero - for two main reasons. In terms of Iraqi nationalism, this would spell political suicide to either the SCIRI or the Da'wa Party: most Shi'ites who voted in the elections, following Sistani's dictum, thought they were voting for the US to leave, for good. And in geopolitical terms, all the Shi'ite religious parties have close connections with Iran, which, encircled by the US from the east (Afghanistan) and west (Iraq), would find innumerable creative ways to turn the Americans' lives into a living hell. One of the key - if not the key - challenges for the new Iraqi government will be a US demand to negotiate a SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement), the agreement that stipulates the legal status of US garrisons. A cursory look at a world map will teach Iraqis to be extremely careful not to fall into a trap. There are insistent rumors in Baghdad that a SOFA will not be negotiated in 2005: the responsibility will fall to the permanent government that will be elected next December. This is one more indication of the irrelevance of the new elected government. The Pentagon anyway has already determined it will keep 120,000 troops in Iraq into at least 2007, even if a withdrawal is demanded tomorrow. Predictably, the Shi'ites don't want the US military to leave - at least for now. Ibrahim al-Jafaari, the Da'wa Party leader and strong contender for one of the three top posts, has repeatedly said this would lead to a bloodbath. But both Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, the SCIRI's No 1, and interim President Ghazi al-Yawer, a Sunni, agree: the US military must begin a substantial withdrawal by the end of 2005. Shi'ite firebrand Muqtada al-Sadr is just waiting to pounce. It's increasingly possible that the Sadrists who contested the elections may capture something like 7% of the seats in the new assembly. They've already said they will demand an immediate timetable for total US withdrawal. Muqtada wants the Americans out and he wants them out now. That's also exactly what disgruntled, religious Sunnis want. This spells a possible alliance between the Shi'ite urban proletariat and middle-class religious Sunnis - one more nail in the coffin of the myth propagated by the Bush administration that the resistance against the occupation is dominated by "terrorists". Significantly, Abdul Salam al-Kubaisi, the leader of the powerful Sunni Association of Muslim Scholars (AMS), has said he is in close contact with the Sadrists. An extraordinary new development in Baghdad is that now the AMS is floating a clear proposal: we accept the new elected government as legitimate, as long as it sets a definitive timetable for US withdrawal. Although this is what the overwhelming majority of Iraqis want, nobody - no Shi'ite party, no Kurdish party, not even Sistani himself - is contemplating it at this stage. Baghdad sources tell Asia Times Online that the AMS would even issue a fatwa (religious edict) calling for the end of the resistance if the new government sets a date for US withdrawal in writing - with the United Nations as a watchdog. If true, that would certainly be the only way to lead the Baghdad sniper to retire his rifle. What you want is not what you get UIA spokesmen are saying that the Shi'ite alliance will capture half of the seats in the 275-member parliament, or a little less than 140 seats. They would need 182 to govern by themselves, without a coalition. The Kurds believe they will get about 65 seats: this only happened because the Sunni vote ranged from weak to non-existent. (Election results were due on Thursday, but were delayed over the re-examination of some ballot boxes.) The consensus in rumor-filled Baghdad is that really bad news would mean the Shi'ites capturing 140 seats, the Kurds from 75 to 85 seats, and Allawi's list the rest. Sunnis in Baghdad are very gloomy: it looks like the bad-news scenario - a Shi'ite/Kurd landslide - is about to happen, with Kurds bragging they may have captured as many as 75 seats. The UIA may be Shi'ite-dominated, but it contains more than 20 groups, movements and political parties - Christians, Turkomans, even Sunnis and Kurds, including the Badr Organization (the former Badr Brigades, trained by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards), the Hezbollah Movement in Iraq and the Islamic Union for Iraqi Turkomans. The only Iraqi government that would have a minimum of stability would be a UIA/Kurdish alliance. It's very unlikely to happen, and even if it did it would send even moderate Sunni Arabs into open guerrilla mode. The Shi'ite religious parties in the UIA want Sharia law. The White House is relying on the Kurds to veto Sharia law. The relatively secular Kurds are obsessed with loose federalism and a fully fledged, autonomous Kurdistan province. They want nothing less than the presidency for Patriotic Union of Kurdistan leader Jalal Talabani. The current foreign minister, the affable Kurd Hoshyar Zebari, says that the only way to placate the Sunnis would be to offer them one of the key three posts - president, prime minister or Speaker of the National Assembly. It may not be enough. Sunni Arabs know the Kurds supported the war and occupation of Iraq and have been a de facto US protectorate for more than a decade. Sunni Arabs also know that the only indigenous allies the Americans have at the moment are the Kurdish tribes: the Kurdish 36th Command Battalion, for instance, helped the marines to attack Sunni Arab Fallujah. Many Sunnis, even moderate, consider the Kurds traitors. What the Kurdish tribal chiefs really want is the ultimate prize: they want independence (it could even be some kind of US-Israeli protectorate) and they want Kirkuk's oil. All of this, for them, is non-negotiable. Supposing Turkey - a key North Atlantic Treaty Organization ally dreaming of being accepted by the European Union - buries the Kurdish dream, and the Americans cannot deliver, it's fair to assume that even the Kurds will abandon the Americans. Meanwhile, in a Najaf still under piles of rubble there's widespread fear that in the end the same former CIA asset Allawi will continue to be prime minister. Allawi has been controlling Iraqi security for more than six months now. His new Iraqi National Guard is a remix of Saddam's security - and not by any coincidence infested with Saddam's men: after all, Allawi is also a former Ba'athist. As the Bush administration needs a ruthless Iraqi police state to fight not only the resistance but all kinds of emerging protests against the appalling living conditions throughout the country, Allawi is indeed "the Americans' man", as he is known in Baghdad. His tough-guy profile will be his main argument to convince the UIA he should remain as premier. But Baghdad sources tell Asia Times Online that this is all cosmetic anyway: only the terminally naive may believe that the Washington-Green Zone axis is not controlling the selection of the top three posts. No surrender The Bush administration script is well known: Iraq was "liberated" from "tyranny" and the "insurgents" are fighting democracy - of which the elections were the first manifestation. These are the facts: Iraq was conquered, not liberated; the new government will not have any say in economic and oil issues; and the resistance fights the occupying power, not democracy. Sistani sold the elections to the pious Shi'ite masses as the first step toward the end of the occupation. In the next few months his promise will be subjected to a groundbreaking reality test. Shi'ites at the polls unmistakably said that they were voting to expel the Americans, not to legitimize them. If the Kurds get too much power, if the Shi'ite list disintegrates, if the US keeps building its sprawling military bases - which means they will be in Iraq for the long run, supported by puppet governments - the Sunni resistance will definitely become a national, Sunni-Shi'ite resistance. As for "terrorism", according to Baghdad sources, an overwhelming number of moderate, secular Sunnis and Shi'ites are convinced that "arch terrorist" Abu Musab al-Zarqawi is being exploited in a CIA black-ops designed to exacerbate ethnic tensions. Many Israeli and American intellectuals and officials are already busy preparing global public opinion, calling for an independent Kurdistan. One of the top-flight propagandists is ambassador Peter Galbraith, one of the negotiators of the Dayton accords and currently a professor at the National War College. Independence is what the Kurdish leadership wants. Kurds hate the idea of Iraq: the Iraqi flag is practically forbidden in some remote mountainous areas. Kurds refuse to hand the control of their borders to Arab troops from Baghdad. Former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger is enthusiastically calling for a Kurdistan, a Sunni center and a Shi'ite south. Why not three weak countries instead of one strong, united Iraq? It's divide and conquer all over again. The key reason for the war was control of Iraqi oil, supported by the installation of strategic US military bases. The key question now is which Iraqis will embrace the agenda of the Bush administration. Secular, moderate Sunni observers in Baghdad simply cannot believe the Shi'ite leadership will maintain public support for the rest of the year without telling the Americans to leave. Moreover, the majority of Iraqis - those who voted and especially those who didn't - are not willing to surrender their oil, their economy and their land to corporate America. The popular resistance, on a national level, tends only to increase. Shi'ites - from Sistani to the SCIRI - better not enter into a Faustian pact.
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

설날...

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

光화門...

...05/01/29
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

They don't think this is funny

The North Korean embassy in Prague is trying to pressure Czech authorities to ban the satirical movie Team America: World Police. The movie makes fun of absolutely everybody possible: Americans, terrorists, left, righ, hawks, doves, members of the human race, generally. All come out looking completely idiotic, so it's not surprising that Kim Jong-il doesn't come off looking too great either. This situation is unacceptable to Pyongyang, says the Canadian Broadcasting Company: 'The main villain in Team America is North Korean dictator Kim Jong-il, who is shown in the movie shooting his translator in the head and feeding former United Nations weapons inspector Hans Blix to a tank of sharks. Aided by vacuous Hollywood stars, Jong-il plans to carry out an attack with weapons of mass destruction that will result in damage that is "9/11 times 2,356." "Such behavior is not part of our country's political culture," the North Korean diplomat added. "Therefore, we want the film to be banned." However, the Czech Foreign Ministry said people would continue to be allowed to see the film, which had its Czech premiere on Feb. 3. "We told them it's an unrealistic wish," ministry spokesman Vit Kolar said. "Obviously, it's absurd to demand that in a democratic country."' Read a kind of related article here.
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

How I entered the hellish world of Guantanamo Bay

Martin Mubanga went on holiday to Zambia, but ended up spending 33 months in Guantanamo Bay, some of the time in the feared Camp Echo. Free at last and still protesting his innocence, he tells the full story to David Rose Sunday February 6, 2005 The Observer (U.K.) Martin Mubanga can date the low point of his 33 months at Guantanamo Bay: 15 June, 2004. That sweltering Cuban morning, he was taken from the cellblock he was sharing with speakers of the Afghan language Pashto, none of whom knew English, for what had become his almost daily interrogation. As usual, his hands were shackled in rigid, metal cuffs attached to a body belt; another set of chains ran to his ankles, severely restricting his ability to move his legs. Trussed in this fashion, he was lying on the interrogation booth floor. The seemingly interminable questioning had already lasted for hours. 'I needed the toilet,' Mubanga said, 'and I asked the interrogator to let me go. But he just said, "you'll go when I say so". I told him he had five minutes to get me to the toilet or I was going to go on the floor. He left the room. Finally, I squirmed across the floor and did it in the corner, trying to minimise the mess. I suppose he was watching through a one-way mirror or the CCTV camera. He comes back with a mop and dips it in the pool of urine. Then he starts covering me with my own waste, like he's using a big paintbrush, working methodically, beginning with my feet and ankles and working his way up my legs. All the while he's racially abusing me, cussing me: "Oh, the poor little negro, the poor little nigger." He seemed to think it was funny.' A few days later, Mubanga said, the same interrogator began to question him in one of the camp's 'hot rooms', where the heating was turned up to almost 100F. 'When you went for interrogation, you never knew whether they were going to take you to a booth where the air conditioning was turned up to the max, so it was really cold, or a hot room,' Mubanga said. 'This made life very difficult, because you only had two T-shirts in your cell, and if you wore just one in a cold room you'd be freezing, but wearing two in a hot room was almost unbearable. The thing was, once you were in there in your chains, it was impossible to take one off.' After several hours of questioning, Mubanga felt severely dehydrated and begged for a bottle of water. Once again he was lying on the floor: the interrogation booth chair had been removed. As he tried to drink and cool himself by spraying a little water around his face and hair, Mubanga said, the interrogator turned violent: 'The guy started kneeling on me, and I was wriggling backwards to get away from him, trying to get in the line of sight of the CCTV camera so someone might see what was going on. Of course, he didn't want to let me do that, so he stood on my hair. It was painful, but I tried to keep moving. Then he stood on the leg chain, so my shackles dug in really deeply, cutting into my legs. But I just took the pain. I'm looking at him, the pain's getting worse but I wouldn't scream out. I just kept looking at him. From that day on, I refused to talk to any interrogator. I said nothing at all for the next seven months.' Mubanga, 32, born in Zambia but brought up in London from the age of three, was describing his ordeal in an exclusive interview at a secret location in southern England last Friday - the first by any of the four men who returned to Britain from Guant?namo at the end of last month. A lifelong Arsenal supporter, amateur boxer and former motorbike courier, he became Camp Delta's poet, dealing with his experiences in a series of vivid, rap-style rhymes, reminiscent of the prison blues from the American Deep South. Mubanga is a tall man, with a build that remains athletic despite the years when the longest walk he took was the 10 yards from his cell to one of Guant?namo's tiny recreation yards. As he struggles to deal with the shock of his sudden and unexpected release, his words fall from his lips in a rapid, articulate torrent. For many months after Mubanga was seized in Zambia with the help of British intelligence and sent to Guant?namo, the American authorities maintained that he was a dangerous 'enemy combatant', an undercover al-Qaeda operative who had travelled from Afghanistan on a false passport and appeared to be on a mission to reconnoitre Jewish organisations in New York. But documents obtained by The Observer now reveal that by the end of last October the Pentagon's own legal staff had grave doubts about his status, and had overturned a ruling that he was a terrorist by Guant?namo's Combatant Status Review Tribunal. Like the other three men who were released last month, Moazzam Begg, Feroz Abbasi and Richard Belmar, Mubanga was held for one night at Paddington Green police station on his return to Britain and questioned. He was released unconditionally, the police having concluded within just a few hours that there was no evidence to sustain charges of terrorism. His allegations about his treatment at Guant?namo echo similar claims by other freed detainees, and information from American official sources. In December, US civil rights groups obtained more than 4,000 pages of documents under the Freedom of Information Act about the abusive treatment of detainees. They included memos by FBI men who visited Guant?namo, the US internment camp set up on American territory on the island of Cuba in early 2002 which still houses over 500 'enemy combatants' despite attracting international criticism, and reported their concerns to their superiors. On Friday, another memo by the US military's Southern Command was leaked to the Associated Press. It described videotapes of assaults on prisoners by Guant?namo's 'Instant Reaction Force' or 'IRF', a riot squad deployed against prisoners deemed to have broken the camp's rules. One video showed guards punching detainees and forcing a dozen to strip from the waist down. Another showed a guard kneeing a detainee in the head. Mubanga said that in his final months at Guant?namo - just as the military lawyers were having doubts whether he really was a terrorist - the IRF was used against him three times. Mubanga was born on 24 September, 1972, and emigrated to Britain with his mother, brother and two elder sisters three years later, when his father died. He was 15, a pupil at St George's school near his home in Kingsbury, north-west London, when his mother died from malaria. Soon afterwards he left school with just two GCSEs. After an abortive attempt at a college course in engineering, he began to get into trouble, and at 19 was convicted of trying to steal a car and sent to Feltham Young Offenders' Institution. It was there that he began to take an interest in Islam. In 1995 he spent six months in Bosnia, working with a charity with Muslim victims of the Serbs' ethnic cleansing. Mubanga left Britain for Pakistan in October 2000, where he says he was planning to study Islam and Arabic. After a spell in Peshawar he entered Afghanistan and attended two madrasahs (Islamic schools) in Kabul and Kandahar. Mubanga had a flight back to Britain booked for 26 September, 2001, from Karachi, and says he had planned to return to Pakistan by bus. But after the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the bus stopped running. Hiding in Kandahar while the American bombing campaign began, he says he discovered that his British passport and his will were missing. 'I don't know if they were lost or stolen. I just realised one day they were gone.' With the war still in its early stages, before the fall of Kabul, he found a middleman willing to take him back to Pakistan. Mubanga had dual nationality and says he then phoned his family in England to ask them to post his Zambian passport to him in Pakistan. Before returning to Britain, he decided to visit relatives in Zambia. In February 2002 he flew to South Africa. After a week in Johannesburg, he took a bus to Lusaka, where he was reunited with his older sister, who was also visiting from the UK. (She has asked us not to publish her full name.) It was then that Mubanga's sister was phoned from London by her boyfriend, and informed that the Sunday Times had published a story on 2 March claiming that a man called Martin Mubanga had been in custody for at least two months after being captured by coalition forces fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan. Here, Mubanga thought, was the answer to what had happened to his passport. He travelled north from Lusaka to visit an aunt near the town of Kitwe. There, a few days after the article was published, he was arrested by the Zambian security service. Mubanga's solicitor, Louise Christian, suggested that by this time the authorities must have realised they did not have Martin Mubanga in Afghanistan, and would easily have discovered that the real one had recently flown from Karachi to Africa. Yet after the first two nights, Mubanga said, he was not held at a conventional police station or prison, but in a series of guarded motel rooms in and around Lusaka. There he says he was interrogated for hours at a time each day, at first by the Zambians. He recalls they asked him whether he wished to be Zambian or British. 'I chose British. I thought that might be safer. It seems that may have been a mistake.' Within a few days, new interrogators arrived: an American female defence official and a British man. He said he was from MI6 and called himself Martin. 'Martin tried to bond with me by saying he supported Arsenal like me. It was pretty transparent. You didn't have to talk to him long to realise he hadn't spent very much time on the North Bank.' On the third or fourth day, 'agent Martin' produced Mubanga's British passport, his will and two further documents, which, he claimed, had been found with the passport in a cave in Afghanistan. One was a list of Jewish organisations in New York, which, he suggested, Mubanga had been ordered to reconnoitre on behalf of al-Qaeda. The second was a handwritten military instruction manual, which he accused Mubanga of writing. Mubanga protested he had not seen them before, and that he had never been to any Afghan cave, pointing out that his own untidy hand was nothing like the manual's neat script. There was no proof that he had any connection to either document, but this remained the most serious accusation the Americans made against him. At the same time, Mubanga said, both the American woman and 'Martin' tried to recruit him as an agent, asking him to settle in South Africa or, if that was too far, in Leeds. 'They wanted me to go where no one would know me, I suppose so I could be undercover. I refused.' After three weeks of these sessions, the American told him one morning: 'I'm sorry to have to tell you this, as I think you're a decent guy, but in 10 or 15 minutes we're going to the airport and they're taking you to Guant?namo Bay.' Mubanga knew what this meant. 'Like everyone else I'd seen the pictures of the prisoners in their goggles and jumpsuits, kneeling in chains in the dust. They took me to a military airstrip, stripped me, did an anal search and then put me in a big nappy which they seemed to think was funny. They put on the blindfold, the hood and the earmuffs and chained me to a bed in the plane. We stopped somewhere, but in all the flight took about 24 hours.' Mubanga arrived in Guant?namo at the beginning of May. For the first two months he was held with other English-speaking prisoners, including one of the three men from Tipton in the west Midlands released last March. 'He was planning to write a letter to Tony Blair complaining about our plight, and I suggested he put in a bit saying that Blair had said he would never talk to terrorists yet had negotiated with the IRA. Of course they [the Americans] read it. It seemed to make them mad, because for the next 18 months I was kept in cell blocks where the only people around me apart from the guards spoke only Arabic. I always thought one of the main things they were trying to do was break you mentally, make you go crazy. So I thought, either I sink or I swim. I decided to swim and that meant learning Arabic.' In the months that followed, he became proficient in this language. Early last year, his spirits lifted dramatically when rumours swept the camp that six or seven British detainees - including Mubanga - were about to go home. He was transferred to a new block with the other British detainees, but when it came to getting on the plane Mubanga was left behind. Then the Americans moved him again - to a block where all the other prisoners spoke neither English nor Arabic, but only the Afghan lan guage Pashtu. 'I ended up feeling really abandoned, left behind. They were playing games with me.' As he recalled this dark time, for a moment Mubanga's eyes brimmed with tears. 'In my interrogations for a while after that they used to taunt me saying: "Those other boys have gone home. Do you think you know why you're staying here?" They wanted to make me think I would be there forever.' It seems that one reason Mubanga was not sent home last year but interrogated with new vigour was that the Australian detainee, David Hicks, had made false allegations - since withdrawn - about him under the stress of his own interrogation. Mubanga began to suffer still harsher conditions. In the terse, military abbreviations of Guant?namo, he was put repeatedly on 'Cl' (comfort item) loss, so that books, his cup, board games and anything else which might help pass the time were removed. Later, he endured 'BI (basic item) loss', when his thin mattress, trousers, shirts, towel, blankets, and flipflops were also taken away, leaving him naked except for boxer shorts in an empty metal box. 'You had to be calm, bottle up any anger you might feel, show you were prepared to be docile. If you did that, slowly you'd get your items back: first your flipflops, the next day your mattress, the next day your trousers, after that your blanket and shirts.' Last autumn he was held in isolation in the punishment 'Quebec block', where blankets would be removed between 6am and 11pm. There, communication with other prisoners was almost impossible. It was in this period that he fell victim to the IRF for small acts of defiance, such as refusing to come in from his 15 minutes of recreation. Each time the squad forced him to the floor, knelt on him, and trussed him tightly so he could not resist. Yet even as they intensified the harshness of his conditions, the Americans were beginning to recognise officially that Martin Mubanga might not be a member of al-Qaeda at all. In October his Combatant Status Review Tribunal, a panel of military officers which examines the evidence against detainees without any legal training or advice, decided he was an unlawful combatant, and should therefore continue to be detained at Guant?namo indefinitely. But at the end of October, James Crisfield Jnr, an American military lawyer, found this decision deeply flawed. His report, which has been obtained by The Observer, shows that Mubanga had asked for his sister, aunt and brother to testify in his defence. They could prove, he said, that he had not travelled to Zambia on false documents for a terrorist mission. The tribunal officers claimed that these defence witnesses were 'not reasonably available' and that their testimony would be irrelevant. Crisfield disagreed, stating: 'Under the circumstances, the detainee's reasons for travelling to various countries was relevant. If the detainee's motive for travelling was to do something other than join or support al-Qaeda, that evidence could have sometendency... to make it less likely that the detainee joined or supported al-Qaeda.' In Crisfield's opinion, the tribunal hearing was 'not sufficient', and he ordered that attempts be made to contact Mubanga's family. There is no way to independently verify Mubanga's account of why he travelled to Afghanistan. But after almost three years of rigorous and sometimes brutal interrogation, no evidence has been adduced that he was guilty of any involvement in terrorism. For the last month before his release, Mubanga was taken to the supermaximum-security part of Guant?namo known as Camp Echo. 'There, you were in an individual bungalow without even a gap in the door, so even if you shouted out you couldn't talk to anyone. There was a camera in the room and they'd write down what you did every 15 minutes. If you went to the toilet, they'd write it down. 'I think it was one last attempt to get me to go crazy. One guy went back to Camp Delta after six months in Camp Echo. He'd lost his mind completely.' Mubanga remains deeply concerned about some of the prisoners he met in Guant?namo. One is a former al-Jazeera reporter arrested in Afghanistan whom he saw being assaulted brutally by the IRF, leaving him with black eyes which took weeks to go down. 'There's also a lot of people there who think they'll be killed if they ever went back to their own coun tries. They're in limbo. As far as they're concerned, it's open season for the American government.' Yet Mubanga, though traumatised by his ordeal, believes he stayed sane partly because of his growing religious faith, and partly because of his rapping. He has a provisional title for the album he'd like to record: Detainee . He also has a stage name - 10,007, his Guant?namo prisoner number. The content of his work is strongly political. There were times, Mubanga said, 'that I wanted to explode. And when I did, I tried to remember Allah, not to use aggression in that way. I never fought any of the guards, I never spat at them, or like some prisoners did, threw a packet of faeces. A lot of the time you go on to autopilot and you just have to tell yourself you're still here, it is happening, it is real. The golden rule a lot of us had is, if you don't feel tired, don't force yourself to sleep, stay active. That's why I made myself learn Arabic. 'For three years, I was locked in a room where I couldn't walk as far as this chair that I'm sitting in to that window, and now suddenly I'm back in London. It's hard to adjust: all my friends have got engaged, their lives have moved on. Yet though it's so different, I still know London from my time as a courier. Last week a friend gave me a lift and I was giving him directions and I pinched myself: one week earlier I had been in Guant?namo.' As he tries to rebuild his life, Mubanga has three wishes.The first is to record his Guant?namo raps, the second to acquire an Arsenal season ticket for the 2005-06 season. The third may be more difficult. When he was 18 to 19, he had a girlfriend in Acton called Angela. They had planned to move in together, he said, but that summer his older sister took him to Zambia because he was getting into trouble, saying he would be away two weeks. When they arrived, she told Mubanga they were going to stay seven months. 'I wrote to Angie, I really loved her. And when I got back the first thing I did was go round to her house. Her dad opened the door and he says: "Are you Martin?" I thought maybe he was going to hit me because he'd read my letters or because I'd broken her heart, but instead he started weeping, saying she'd gone to Kent and he didn't know where she was.' Mubanga said he tried to track her unsuccessfully via friends, and although he realises she may now be married, he hopes that if she's not, she might read this article and get in contact. He insisted he doesn't feel bitter: 'I've lost three years of my life, because I was a Muslim. If I hadn't become a Muslim and carried on doing bad things, maybe I'd have spent that three years in a regular prison. The authorities wanted to break me but they strengthened me. They've made me what I am - even if I'm not quite sure yet who that person is.' Mubanga the poet Martin Mubanga became Camp Delta's poet and wrote a series of vivid rap-style rhymes. Here are the choruses of two of them. Dem labelled me a terrorist Calling me a thug. Dem labelled me a terrorist Calling me a slug... But I never did join bin Laden's crew anyway And now me know to be a Muslim is a hard core ting... And I got no love for the American government Dey can go suck and I don't mean peppermint. Now hear da bombs drop As de Muslim babies, dem a die, Now hear de bombs drop As de Muslim mothers dem a cry Now hear de bombs drop As de Muslim soldiers dem a fly Why? Because dey no want fe die.
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Yesterday's(02.04) struggle against the KTX project..

Before yesterday, Feb 3, Buddhist nun (not monk!! stupid no chr.!) Ji-yul entered her 100th day of hunger strike against additional KTX (S. Korean high speed train) route to S. Korea’s second large city Busan (last year already one KTX route to Busan was opened), under tunneling the Mount Cheonseong-san. To celebrate the date the Friends of the Korean Salamanders and their allies organized a culture festival in front of Kyobo B/D downtown Seoul. Several hundred people expressed their solidarity with Ji-yul’s struggle and joined the event. Of course also on that day the audience took an active part and used the open microphone to criticize the governments decision to continue the project against the will of the people. In speeches, but also in poems and songs they expressed their protest very creative. Like mostly the event ended with a kind of session ­ nearly everyone was dancing or joining for nearly an half hour ACOMDA’s performance (possibly in expectation of the repeated fun we would have ­ and definitely we had!!! - “hard core” politic groups, such as All Together, sent no delegates). By the way, even it is clear since the beginning of the protests there, more than three weeks ago, that the rallies are complete peaceful, the “authorities” had at least 1000 of the infamous riot cops in readiness close to the place of the event. Meanwhile late Thursday Ji-yul has suspended (S. Korean bourgeois media says “ended”) her hunger strike after the government agreed to suspend construction. "After deeply considering advice given by the parliamentary Construction and Transport Committee and religious leaders, we have accepted a joint study with environmental groups based on our respect for life,” the prime minister's publicity chief Lee Gang-jin announced late Thursday night. “For the next three months when the joint study is in progress, we promise to do nothing that would influence the study.” "Hankook Ilbo" (today’s English edition) already is out-crying: “Protest Threatens State Project” ­ and spreading more worries: “The construction companies estimate some 1.8 billion won in losses per month if construction is suspended, and 2 trillion won per year if the new train route is suspended. Some also worry that similar cases will result in frequent halts of state-driven projects due to protests from individuals concerned.” By the way of proof of that opinions we also suspended y’day in a kind of street democracy (everyone who joined y’day’s rally was asked about her/his opinion and we decided all together - the candlelight rallies for at least until the end of Lunar (Chinese) New Year holydays) - and we will think about how to change (or not) the strategy. Because one thing should be clear: behind projects like that billions/trillions of Won ­ just the interests of the S. Korean capitalist (ruling) class is staying. And they will not give up, until they’ll be forced to give up their plans (for maximizing their profits). So y’day we’d a small nice party (see the pictures below and about y'day the page before) in front of Kyobo B/D and later we continued somewhere else….

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Before yesterday in front of Kyobo B/D

The struggle against the KTX project...
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Yesterday (05.02.03) in front of Kyobo B/D

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Today/광화문/매일 천성산 투쟁...

...by -10 degree Celsius

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

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    자본주의 박살내자!
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    no chr.!

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