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민주노동당.. #2

Few days ago (People's Media) newscham - let's say THE alternative/independent voice of the S.K. (radical) left - published following first analysis about DLP's defeat in the presidential election and its possible future:


Why did left turn their backs against KDLP?


The Korean Democratic Labor Party presidential candidate Kwon Young-gil gained three percentages of votes in the last election. It has failed to reach the goal of winning at least ten percentages, or three millions. The ratio of votes gained was similar to the previous 16th election. But if we take the low turnout into account, the current result, which is about seven hundred thousands, is shy of about three hundred thousand votes.


As the approval rate for Kwon was hovering just above 2% even in the last phase of the election, the party lately changed running strategy to secure the votes of “rabbits in the hand”, mass organizations the party is largely based on including Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, Korean Peasants League, and National League for the Poor. Although he didn’t fall victim of worries about ‘dead votes’ due to Lee’s outdistancing his rivals, the result was so disappointing.


One of the co-chairpersons of campaign committee Noh Hoi-chan said the progressive camp suffered a crushing defeat because of “the lack of policy debates due largely to BBK stock scandal, flooding with too many candidates, and failure in fielding a single candidate.” There’s some truth in his words, but it still cannot thoroughly explain why the progressive camps suffered a record defeat. Was it a daydream to mobilize one millions at 'One Million People's Rally' to show people’s power?


Why Was the ‘Original Progressive’ Defeated by the ‘Mock Progressive?


In a move to make pro-irregular workers image, Kwon Young-gil running camp established ‘Center for Eliminating Non-regular Jobs’ under the campaign committee on October 14 and Kwon himself chaired it. He suddenly proposed to assign one proportional representative seat to the irregular worker and the party actually adopted his proposal. The campaign pledges he promised were the most radical among major six candidates; limiting the use of non-regular workers only to temporary works, abolition of worker dispatching and giving special-category workers the right to form unions, hold negotiations and take collective action.


Eventually he could not reach the hearts of up to 8.5 million of non-regular workers. On the contrary, he was only to be outrun by the ‘tender-hearted CEO’ Moon Kuk-hyun. Moon Kuk-hyun, the former CEO of Yuhan-Kimberly which is famous for ‘ethical management’, aggressively published novel and reformist campaign pledges like reducing working hours, four-group two-shift work system, and lifelong education, arousing so-called ‘Moon Kuk-hyun phenomenon.’ Moon, who had only been engaged in politics for 3 months, gained 5.8%, far beyond the number Kwon gained, winning supports not only from civic groups but from some leftist groups.


The disappointing result may be due to failure in differentiating him from Moon. What is more, Kwon announced a self destructive statement that Moon and he have a lot of same opinions on management and issues of non-regular workers. Last October Noh revealed his thoughts about Moon, “It’s not enough to call him (Moon) ‘an innovative cat.’” The expression showed a metaphor that compares labor class to a mouse, capitalist class a cat. The expression shows the party’s hardship how to see so-called neo-liberal leftist, which has emerged as the neo-liberalists have divided into several groups.


‘Out of Date’ Mobilization and Sectarian Conflicts


Since Kwon won party nomination, the approval rate for him had staggered. He tried to break a path through 'One Million People's Rally'. The rally was to demand abolition of the Korea-U.S. FTA, eliminating non-regular workers and making clear Samsun bribe scandal and was intended to gather the supports of people together. On November 11, the day rally was supposed to hold, number of people in the rally fell short of one millions. Approval rate was also getting around 2% points.


The scene may reveal the truth that upper-leadership-projected mobilization is out of date and doesn’t work. There were even some disputes over nationwide tour conducted by the candidate, which was proposed and determined only by Kwon himself. Some local branches he visited were not even ready so that party officials had to deal with the problems with haste. Some party members cynical commented that the candidate was conducting one-man protest.


The running camp was also consumed by sectarian conflicts that had emerged during primary elections at first. Members of National Liberation line (so-called Jaju, NL faction), which had officially supported Kwon since the primary election, fuelled conflicts wielding influence over the campaign camp. When the faction insisted to take ‘Republic of Korean Federation’ as one of the main campaign slogans, the friction reached its peak. During the friction election posters that contained ‘Republic of Korean Federation’ were abandoned, the wasted expense amounted up to two thousands won.


The conflict taxed the party’s capability to publicize pledges with exception of pledges of reunification. Lee Kwang-il, a professor of politics at Sungkonghae University, said “Debates alienated from the reality has made potent supporters of the party feel sick as well as existent backers.”


Where KDLP to go


The party is expected to be swept away by heavy political waves. Some leftist party members who have grown full-blown antipathy against NL sect during the election openly argue about ‘separation’ of the party. Extension through the coalition of the progressives could be an option and so be the creating a new party.


The party members across sects all have the same perception that existing system will not work anymore. They agree on ‘reforming the party’, which can be summed up by two things; resolving deep-seated fraction trouble that has blocked democratic decision making and embracing non-regular workers in order to break with the adherence to ‘unions of large companies and regular workers.’


There are also tasks the ‘reforming the party’ plan cannot deal with. Unless the party gets differentiation from ‘neo-liberal leftist’ Moon’s party, it cannot consolidate its status in next general election. ‘Originality in the progressive’ solely is not able to move people’s hearts. That’s the lesson learnt from the result of election.


http://www.newscham.net/news/view.php?board=news_E&nid=45734

 

 

Related articles:
KDLP in Crisis

The DLP After the Presidential Election

 



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