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5112개의 게시물을 찾았습니다.

  1. 2006/10/03
    독일/1990年10月3日(1)
    no chr.!
  2. 2006/10/02
    팔레스티나안에 라마단(*)
    no chr.!
  3. 2006/10/01
    1949年10月01日(1)
    no chr.!
  4. 2006/10/01
    9.29 서울(국제 연대)
    no chr.!
  5. 2006/09/30
    9.24 베를린/독일..
    no chr.!
  6. 2006/09/30
    독일/매일 현실 #1
    no chr.!
  7. 2006/09/29
    The Take (영화)
    no chr.!
  8. 2006/09/28
    9.24 평화대회..
    no chr.!
  9. 2006/09/27
    10th 평양 국제 영화제
    no chr.!
  10. 2006/09/26
    독일/매일 현실(동영상)(1)
    no chr.!

팔레스티나안에 라마단(*)

FREE PALESTINE!

LONG LIVE THE PALESTINIAN STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION!(**)

 

Yesterday, the entire day, you were able to read such news about Palestine like: "Violent demonstrations took the streets of Gaza", "Rioters attacked Palestinian government buildings", "Demonstrators, security forces killed during demonstrations", "Parliament building set on fire", "PA officers kidnapped", and so on, and so on..

 

 

It seems that the Palestinians, especially in the Gaza Strip, know how to make really good parties(or better: know to destroy their own society completely)!

 

 

Today's Guardian(UK) reported following about yesterday's "events" in the PA territories:

 

Eight Palestinians die as Fatah and Hamas fight on streets of Gaza City

 

· Rivals trade gunfire after protest by unpaid officials
· West Bank cabinet offices aflame as violence spreads


Eight Palestinians were killed and dozens injured yesterday in an increasingly violent struggle for power between rival factions in the Gaza Strip.
Hours after the clashes, gunmen loyal to the Fatah movement set fire to rooms in the Palestinian cabinet building in the West Bank town of Ramallah. It was the most serious outbreak of fighting in the Palestinian territories for some months, and a sign of rising tensions between the Hamas-led government and the more secular Fatah, which lost power in elections at the start of the year.


Among the dead was a boy aged 15. More than 50 people were injured, including three children and a television cameraman. The fighting broke out during a protest in Gaza City led by government employees and security officials, none of whom had received salaries since the government was formed in March.


Most of the security employees were Fatah members, and the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, who leads the movement, had told them not to go out on the demonstration. Mr Abbas said last night that the "bloody confrontations" were unacceptable and he promised to prosecute those involved in the violence.


On Saturday, Hamas began deploying its own, rival militia - the well-armed Executive Force, who dress in camouflage trousers and black shirts - and yesterday they moved in to break up the protests. Gunmen from both sides then began trading fire with rifles and rocket-propelled grenades. Cars were set alight and plumes of thick, black smoke rose over the city.


Later, in apparent retaliation for the shootings, a crowd of Fatah supporters marched through Ramallah and attacked the cabinet building, setting fire to several rooms. Smoke poured from the windows.


A Fatah spokesman, Tawfik Abu Khoussa, blamed the Hamas government. "Nothing can justify this violence," he said. Ghazi Hamad, the main Hamas spokesman, blamed the protesters, accusing them of being driven more by political than economic motives. "The protest today was beyond acceptable legal norms and turned truly into lawlessness," he said.


Even before yesterday's clashes, there had been attacks between the factions, symptomatic of a broader struggle for power and heightening fears of a slide into civil war. Ten days ago, gunmen in Gaza shot dead Jad Tayah, a senior Fatah intelligence official, and five of his colleagues. Several people pointed the finger of blame at Hamas. A few days earlier, gunmen hijacked a car belonging to Nabil Shaath, a senior Palestinian politician and close adviser to Mr Abbas. Security is now becoming a more immediate concern than the economic crisis.


As soon as Hamas came to power, the international community froze its aid payments to the Palestinian government and Israel suspended its customs transfers, which together amount to hundreds of millions of dollars a year. Both insisted that the hardline Islamist movement publicly recognise the state of Israel, renounce violence and sign up to past agreements between the Palestinians and Israel.


Hamas has not agreed, and efforts to form a coalition government with Fatah that might go some way towards meeting those demands have fallen through in recent days. With the salaries of 160,000 government employees unpaid, the economic situation in the territories has worsened severely, particularly in Gaza, where Israeli closures of crossing points have severely hit farmers and businessmen.

 

Yesterday's violence suggests that a coalition government - which at one point was almost agreed - may now be beyond reach.

 

In addition to the internal Palestinian rivalry, there has been a series of Israeli military operations in Gaza since the capture in June of a soldier, Corporal Gilad Shalit, by Palestinian militants. Israel says it is acting to get its soldier back and halt the firing of crude Qassam rockets into nearby Israeli towns, such as Sderot. More than 200 Palestinians have died in the operations, most of them civilians.

 

Yesterday, Israel's chief of staff said a much larger military operation in Gaza was being considered. "We will have to find a military means to reduce the rocket fire on Sderot," Major-General Dan Halutz told Israel Radio. "For example, a more continued and deeper ground action ... We are holding consultations about this."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,1885324,00.html

 

 

The Israeli "left-liberal" daily Haaretz wrote this:

 

Hamas-Fatah battles flare despite appeals for calm 
 
Hamas militiamen withdrew from the streets of the Gaza Strip on Monday and returned to their normal posts after the worst day of internal violence since Hamas took control of the Palestinian government in March.


In the West Bank city of Ramallah, Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas' Fatah Party enforced a general strike, closing shops and private schools in a show of force against Hamas. For its part, the Hamas-led government ordered all ministries closed to protest Fatah attacks on government buildings.


Fatah militants also released Samir Birawi, a Hamas official in the Finance Ministry they had briefly kidnapped, telling him his abduction was intended to send Hamas a message to end the Gaza violence, Hamas officials said. The Fatah men also burned Birawi's car.
 
 
Gaza, the center of the violence that killed eight people on Sunday, remained tense Monday, and many shops were closed out of fears of renewed attacks.


Despite appeals for calm from Abbas and Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas, militants in Gaza torched the Agricultural Ministry early Monday, and a group of young students in the northern Gaza town of Beit Hanun stoned the house of Hamas minister until his bodyguards chased them away by firing in the air.


Appeals for calm


Abbas on Sunday appealed for calm after gun battles between a Hamas militia and members of the security forces loyal to his Fatah movement left eight dead.


Abbas also said Sunday he was ready renew stalled negotiations with Hamas over a unity government.


"These confrontations have crossed the red line, which we have avoided crossing for four decades," he said in a speech broadcast on Palestine TV.


Abbas condemned the violence "in the strongest terms," and ordered an official investigation into the fighting.


In an interview to the Qatar-based Al Jazeera television station broadcast earlier Sunday, Abbas said was ready to negotiate a unity government with Hamas to avoid crossing the "red line" into Palestinian civil war.


"Personally I believe that a civil war is a red line and I will not allow it under any circumstances," Abbas told Al Jazeera.
 

"I as a president have the right to form or dissolve the government at any time, but I say that we should exert every effort to form a unity government."
 

Haniyeh also urged Palestinians on Sunday to end the internal violence.


Following calls from both Abbas and Haniyeh to stop the violence, The Palestinian Interior Ministry ordered its Hamas-led security force to pull back from some positions in Gaza where they had been deployed to stop the policemen from protesting.


"The force was deployed based on Palestinian security needs," Interior Ministry spokesman Khaled Abu Hilal told reporters.


"But since the president [Abbas] has made a decision calling for the withdrawal of all forces," Abu Hilal added, "the Interior Ministry has to respond and comply with the decision of the president."


"I appeal to all citizens to be responsible and to abandon their differences, especially in the time we are facing an escalation by the occupation forces, who threaten to enlarge their scale of aggression," Haniyeh told reporters.


Haniyeh was referring to earlier comments made by Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Lieutenant-General Dan Halutz, who said Israel could step up military action in the Gaza Strip to halt rocket fire against its southern towns.


Fatah and Hamas have been holding talks on forming a unity government in an effort to end Western sanctions imposed in the wake of Hamas' election victory in January. Hamas has refused calls to recognize Israel, renounce violence and abide by previously signed interim peace accords.
 

"Let us be frank here, the United Stated has imposed a political, economic and social siege on us after Hamas' win," said Abbas.


Haniyeh spoke with Abbas by telephone late Sunday evening and called for joint action to end the violence between their respective parties, as well as the need to return to national unity government talks, Haniyeh's office said in a statement.


"We [Abbas and I] have agreed all parties must abide by the law and that they should not get involved in any kind of behaviour that may lead to the spread of chaos," Haniyeh told reporters in Gaza.


First spark in Khan Yunis


The gun battles broke out in Gaza between militants from Hamas party and security personnel loyal to Abbas, hospital officials said.


The fighting started in the southern Gaza town of Khan Yunis, where dozens of police gathered outside the Bank of Palestine on Sunday morning to demand payment of salaries they have not recieved since Hamas took power in January, protesters said.
 

Abbas, who was in Jordan on Sunday, has been trying to end the crisis by persuading Hamas to form a coalition government and to accept international demands to renounce violence and recognize Israel. Hamas has resisted compromising its radical ideology.


In recent weeks, civil servants - including members of the security forces, many of them Fatah loyalists - held expanding protests against the Hamas-led government to demand their back wages. Hamas has been unable to pay the salaries due to the suspension of aid.
 

On Saturday, the Hamas-led government sent its 3,500-member militia into Gaza's streets to quash the protests.


Hamas set up its militia - which answers to the interior minister - after losing a power struggle with Abbas for control of Palestinian security forces. Since then, violence has sporadically broken out between Hamas' militia and the official police force, but it has never been as widespread as it was Sunday.


The Hamas militiamen attempted to stop demonstrations staged by the unpaid civil servants and security officials. They ordered the protesters to disperse and then opened fire at them, and they in turn responded by shooting in the air, protesters said.
 

Fighting then broke out in northern Gaza, where a late morning gun battle erupted between militia members and security officials.


The violence then spread to the parliament building in Gaza City, where security officers and civil servants were protesting. The protesters threw stones at nearby Hamas militiamen, who responded by hitting them with sticks and then by firing guns and anti-tank rockets and lobbing grenades at the protesters, according to an Associated Press journalist at the scene.


Militiamen and security personnel - including members of Abbas' elite bodyguard unit - began trading fire on two major streets nearby, and gunmen from both sides took positions on rooftops.


The clashes later spilled over to an area near the president's residence. Hamas militiamen scrambled up to the rooftop of the nearby Agriculture Ministry and began firing rocket-propelled grenades and rifles at the presidential guard.


"We are going to beat with iron fists all those elements who are trying to sabotage the election process of our people, those who are trying to destroy our public properties and close the streets," said Islam Shahwan, a spokesman for the militia.


The street battles killed a total of four people, including a member of Abbas' presidential bodyguard and a 15-year-old boy, according to Dr. Baker Abu Safia, director of Gaza's Shifa Hospital.


Two other people were killed in related violence, and at least 100 people were injured, hospital officials said.


A seventh person, a member of the Preventive Security force, was killed Saturday night when the car in which was traveling came under fire from unknown gunmen, security officials said.


An eighth person, a Fatah supporter, was killed after thousands of Fatah protesters in the Bureij refugee camp marched to the house of a local Hamas leader and a grenade was thrown into the crowd, setting off a nighttime gunfight, Fatah officials said. Hamas officials said the crowd attacked the house.


A gun battle between rival forces also erupted in a Gaza hospital, where many Palestinians injured in previous clashes lay, wounding at least four people.


In response to the violence, Fatah protesters in the West Bank city of Ramallah arched to the Cabinet building - which had already shut down for the day - pelted it with stones, broke in and lit the second floor on fire. The militants threw files out the windows and witnesses could see pieces of furniture being thrown about.


Fatah loyalists also kidnapped a top official in the Palestinian Finance Ministry in the West Bank city of Ramallah, a Hamas official said.


Earlier, Hamas security men in the Gaza Strip seized five members of a force loyal to Abbas.


The conditions of the kidnapped men were unknown.


A second building in the compound was also set ablaze. Forced out by the flames and smoke, the militants moved to the nearby Education Ministry and torched the minister's car on the way. They then trashed the offices of a Hamas newspaper.


In the northern West Bank city of Nablus, dozens of Fatah-allied gunmen fired in the air, closed a major road with burning tires and threatened to retaliate for any Hamas violence in Gaza with attacks in the West Bank, a Fatah stronghold.


"This is forbidden in Islam, we are in the holy month of Ramadan," said Majed Badawi, 33, who managed to escape uninjured after his car was caught in the crossfire. "It's a shame on Hamas, who call themselves real Muslims, and a shame of Fatah as well. Why are they fighting and over what? We are victims because of both of them."


"Nothing can justify this violence," said Tawfik Abu Khoussa, a Fatah spokesman.


Ghazi Hamad, a spokesman for the Hamas government, said the violence was "regrettable," but the Hamas force was acting with restraint when it was attacked.


"The protest today was beyond acceptable legal norms and turned truly into lawlessness," he said.


In the West Bank city of Hebron, Fatah-allied militants blocked roads with burning tires and ransacked the offices of local Hamas lawmakers and set the furniture on fire in the street. In Nablus, Fatah gunmen attacked a Hamas women's center and traded fire with Hamas gunmen.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/769437.html
 

*****

 

PS:

Actually it seems that the Palestinians are not really able to learn from their "mistakes". Since long time - especially after the founding of Hamas in the middle of the 1980's - they just try to fullfil the wishes of the Israeli government/occupation forces: to create a situation of civil war in the Palestinian/PA territories. A reader of the Israeli daily Yedioth Ahronoth wrote yesterday evening: "At least there keep'n busy with shot at there own wonderful selves and not at us!!" 

 

*****

 

* Ramadan is the ninth month of the Muslim year, when Muslims do not eat between the rising and setting of the sun. During Ramadan, Muslims celebrate the fact that it was in this month that God first revealed the words of the Quran to Mohammed.

 

** (^^)

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

1949年10月01日

 
 
 
中華人民共和國
 

 
!축하!
 
 
Today, 57 years ago, chairman Mao Zedong(毛主席) proclaimed - after(at least) 2,500 years of feudalism - the People's Republic of China.

 

 

And please, my dear dongji, don't forget(^^):

 

*****

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

9.29 서울(국제 연대)



 

 

 

For more - pictures and a protest declaration(in Korean and English) - please check out this: [9.29] 민주주의 압살 타이 군부독재 퇴진 촉구 기자회견

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

9.24 베를린/독일..


Candlelight Rally of Koreans in Germany  (주체95년 9월 30일 조선중앙통신)

 

The Koreans in Germany held a candlelight rally in Berlin on Sept. 24 in support of the 4th grand peace march against the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek, south Korea, according to a news report. At the rally speakers denounced the U.S. moves to expand its military base in Phyongthaek and the forcible removal of dwelling houses against human rights, asserting that the Korean nation can neither fall victim to the U.S. military strategy nor allow the Korean Peninsula to be an outpost base for a war.


Members of German organizations for peace against war made solidarity speeches at the rally.


They said that the U.S. is working hard to realize its military strategy for supremacy not only in the Korean Peninsula but also on a worldwide scale.


The organizations extend support to the south Korean people in their struggle against the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek and get courage from their struggle, they said.


A resolution was adopted at the rally.


http://www.kcna.co.jp/item/2006/200609/news09/30.htm#8

 

 

 

PS:

Actually I knew about this "event", but unfortunately I got the information about it one hour to late, so I wasn't able to participate..

Since some days I'm trying to find out more infos about what was going on last Sunday there, but without no success.. (mi-anh hae-yo!)

 

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

독일/매일 현실 #1

Following report was published before y'day in the German magazine Der Spiegel:

 

NEO-NAZIS ON THE MOVE IN GERMANY
How the Far Right Plans to Grow


Germany's far-right National Democratic Party is on the move. After recent successes at the polls in eastern Germany, the neo-Nazis now have their sights set on Bavaria and the national parliament. It's also improving relations with far-right militants.
 

A man is wandering around Schwerin Castle. Short, bald and wearing a dark suit, he tries every door, but most are locked. There is almost no one else in the castle, which houses the parliament (Landtag) for the eastern state of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. It is Monday, Sept. 18, the day after the state parliamentary elections in which Germany's far right National Democratic Party (NPD) captured 7.3 percent of the vote.


But the man eventually finds what he is looking for. He enters a room and squints at a group of people wielding champagne glasses and surrounding Landtag President Sylvia Bretschneider, a member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The visitor amiably greets the group with the words "bottoms up" and asks for the director of the Landtag. He is here to discuss the future assignment of seats in the state parliament. The revelers are amused at the man's question and want to know who could possibly be in such a hurry. They practically drop their glasses at the man's response: "Peter Marx, NPD parliamentary group. We are ready to begin."


The anecdote, which Marx recounts with a smirk, is indicative of his party's self-confidence. It's the same self-assured smirk a number of NPD members had on their faces last Thursday when they greeted a group of journalists at their dilapidated headquarters building in Berlin's Köpenick neighborhood.


At the press conference, NPD leader Udo Voigt was joined by Udo Pastörs, the future head of the party's parliamentary group in Schwerin, Pastörs' campaign manager, Holger Apfel -- whose main job is running the NPD's parliamentary group in the state of Saxony's parliament -- and Gerhard Frey, the head of the extremist right-wing German People's Union (DVU). Surrounded by his supporters, Voigt told reporters about the party's plans for the future. In the wake of its successes in Schwerin and Berlin, where the NPD managed to win seats in four of the region's twelve district parliaments, Voigt said he plans to "strengthen our current bastions" and then "energetically approach the West." Next on the agenda for the NPD, also known in Germany as the "browns," are the Bavarian state elections in 2008 and national parliamentary elections in 2009.


"Germany pact"


The party plans to pursue a strategy of showing up the democratic parties in the respective parliaments and expanding its cooperation with what it calls "unaffiliated groups of comrades" within the neo-Nazi community. The NPD also intends to open citizens' offices and provide social services, which it expects to fund with government subsidies for campaign costs and parliamentary stipends for members' offices. Finally, Voigt plans to integrate the remnants of the struggling far-right party the Republicans into the NPD's and DVU's "Germany pact," which determines who runs for office and where.

 

The tattoo: "Everything for Germany". On the t-shirt("Combat 18"):

"1" stands for A(in the Latin alphabet), "8" for H = Adolf Hitler


Peter Marx is considered the mastermind behind the right-wing parties' strategy. Marx, who wears many hats -- as the NPD's deputy national chairman, its state chairman in the western state of Rhineland-Palatinate and the current head of the NPD parliamentary group in Saxony's Landtag -- will move to Schwerin to manage the party's new six-member parliamentary group and ensure it causes the necessary commotion once its members assume their new positions.


As has already been the case in Saxony, provocation will be the order of the day for the NPD's delegates to the state parliament in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Two years ago, Marx scored a headline-grabbing coup during the election of Saxony's governor in Dresden. The governor position is elected by the state parliament, and Marx's candidate garnered two more votes than the NPD actually had in parliament. German newspapers wondered for weeks which delegates from the established parties might have defected to the far right.


Marx is already thinking about using the same strategy in Schwerin. "Secret agreements are always good for surprises," he says. And he still has other schemes up his sleeve. For example, the region's branch of the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) is closely aligned with Erika Steinbach, president of the Federation of the Expellees -- a non-profit organization formed to represent the interests of Germans displaced from their homes after World War II. The Federation has raised eyebrows in Poland, Czech Republic and Berlin with their wish to create a center documenting the fate of Germans forced to leave their eastern European homes at the end of the war. The NPD plans to stir up trouble in the Landtag by proposing a monument in downtown Schwerin to commemorate these expulsions -- and is hoping to get some from other parties to vote in favor of the plan.


Coordinating tactics


The NPD also has plans to make a laughing stock of the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) -- which also captured seats in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania's Landtag for the first time and made its opposition to a proposed increase in Germany's value-added tax a central element of its campaign platform. They want to launch an initiative in the Bundesrat, the upper house of the German parliament, to repeal the increase. "The FDP will hardly be able to vote against it," Marx gloats -- and will thus be in the uncomfortable position of allying itself with the far right.


Marx plans to coordinate his state organization's tactics with those of the NPD parliamentary group in Saxony in the future. Holger Apfel, who also heads the NPD parliamentary group in Saxony, is already boasting about what he calls a "Dresden-Schwerin axis."


Pastörs also stresses that the NPD's new delegates to the Mecklenburg-West Pomerania Landtag will hardly make working with parliamentary committees much of a priority. If one adds the NPD's 7.3 percent of the vote to the roughly 40 percent of the electorate that shunned the polls, says Pastörs, it becomes obvious that "we are dealing with a clear rejection of the current system." Pastörs plans to devote his "full efforts to continuing to motivate and integrate the non-parliamentary national opposition" in the future.


He is referring to the so-called "unaffiliated groups of comrades," loose-knit collections of neo-Nazis in Germany's northeast sporting names such as the National Germanic Brotherhood and the Aryan Warriors. These groups had been critical of the NPD for years. They considered the party too tame and too old -- that is, until neo-Nazis like Thomas Wulff, nicknamed "Steiner," brought the troops to Voigt's more sedate colleagues.


Offering jobs to rowdy skinheads


"For the first time, the concept of a right-wing peoples' front has been fully realized in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania," Marx raves. An attempt to form a similar alliance failed in Saxony, where combative young would-be storm troopers were incensed over the NPD's parliamentary delegates in their business suits and official cars. But, according to Marx, the composition of the new parliamentary group in Schwerin shows that the NPD has learned from these squabbles. This time around, he says, the party plans to placate its rowdier members with official positions and money.


Tino Müller, an extremist who launched a citizens' initiative against a planned residential facility for asylum-seekers, is the deputy head of the NPD's parliamentary group in the new Landtag. Birger Lüssow, a member of the radical "Action Group for Fortress City Rostock," will represent the movement's violent wing in the state parliament, while others can look forward to well-paid jobs as staff members within the NPD parliamentary group.


The NPD also expects to involve its young Nazi members in its planned offensive into communal politics. According to Voigt, the party will establish "social guidance offices" in Berlin and Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, mainly to lure voters away from the post-communist Left Party. Voigt, in an absurd take on the NPD's plans, says: "The social question will be resolved nationally or not at all."


"There is no doubt," says Hubertus Buchstein, a professor of political science at Greifswald University -- which is located in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania "that the NPD has become more successful since it abandoned its claim to be the sole representative (of German right-wing extremists) and has opened its doors to the comrade groups." But whether this balancing act between thugs and loudmouths will last is questionable.


"We'll get to the Bundestag"


NPD leader Voigt is optimistic. In eastern Pomerania, where the NPD captured more than 30 percent of the vote in several villages, he plans to "take a shot at the first mayoral positions" during the next round of communal elections -- a lofty goal, given the right-winger's apparent aversion to work.


A study recently published by Greifswald University, titled "The NPD in the Mecklenburg-West Pomerania Communal Elections," points out the wide rift between the party's claims and reality, especially at the communal level. So far the NPD has only managed to capture ten seats on municipal councils in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, and its delegates have in fact been "present at virtually all council sessions and have even stayed to the end of each session." But, say the authors of the study, the NPD's representatives have not managed to gain seats on regular committees in any of these four municipal councils, and the right-wingers have also failed to make a splash during plenary sessions. "In (the Baltic seaside town of) Stralsund," the authors write, "it took almost half a year before one of the two NPD council members even managed to find his way to the podium."


Marx, the NPD's man in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, clearly has his work cut out for him. But Marx already has his sights set beyond Schwerin, with plans to penetrate the Bavarian Landtag in that state's 2008 parliamentary election. "(Bavarian premier Edmund) Stoiber is getting older, and I see a lot of potential there," he says. "If we can make it in Bavaria, we'll get into the Bundestag."

 


 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

The Take (영화)

 


A Movie by Avi Levis and Naomi Klein

 

 

 


 

 

 

The Story

 

In suburban Buenos Aires, thirty unemployed auto-parts workers walk into their idle factory, roll out sleeping mats and refuse to leave.

 

All they want is to re-start the silent machines. But this simple act - The Take - has the power to turn the globalization debate on its head.

 

 In the wake of Argentina's dramatic economic collapse in 2001, Latin America's most prosperous middle class finds itself in a ghost town of abandoned factories and mass unemployment. The Forja auto plant lies dormant until its former employees take action. They're part of a daring new movement of workers who are occupying bankrupt businesses and creating jobs in the ruins of the failed system.

 

But Freddy, the president of the new worker's co-operative, and Lalo, the political powerhouse from the Movement of Recovered Companies, know that their success is far from secure. Like every workplace occupation, they have to run the gauntlet of courts, cops and politicians who can either give their project legal protection or violently evict them from the factory.

 

The story of the workers' struggle is set against the dramatic backdrop of a crucial presidential election in Argentina, in which the architect of the economic collapse, Carlos Menem, is the front-runner. His cronies, the former owners, are circling: if he wins, they'll take back the companies that the movement has worked so hard to revive.

 

Armed only with slingshots and an abiding faith in shop-floor democracy, the workers face off against the bosses, bankers and a whole system that sees their beloved factories as nothing more than scrap metal for sale.

 

With The Take, director Avi Lewis, one of Canada's most outspoken journalists, and writer Naomi Klein, author of the international bestseller No Logo, champion a radical economic manifesto for the 21st century. But what shines through in the film is the simple drama of workers' lives and their struggle: the demand for dignity and the searing injustice of dignity denied.

 

*****

 

Avi Lewis, Director/ Producer


 Avi Lewis is one of Canada's most controversial and eloquent media personalities, and has recently emerged as an acclaimed documentary filmmaker as well: The Take is his feature-length documentary directing debut. Shot in digital format over seven months in Argentina, Lewis worked with a fifteen-member crew originating from Canada, Argentina and Britain. Often using two cameras or more, the crew shot in situations including 50,000-strong political rallies, a surprise visit to the IMF contingent at their hotel in Buenos Aires, violent police repressions on the capital's streets, and behind the lines of a worker-occupied factory in Patagonia. Lewis made The Take with journalist and author Naomi Klein (No Logo), who is also the film's writer.


Changing the Conversation: Podcast interview with Avi Lewis for Bioneers In 2002, Lewis directed, shot and edited Gustavo Benedetto: Presente!, a short film on one of the victims of the Argentine police repression of December 19th & 20th, 2001. The film played in festivals in Canada, the UK and Argentina and was broadcast nationally by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.


Prior to directing, Avi Lewis worked as the host and producer of counterSpin on CBC Newsworld, where he presided over more than 500 nationally televised debates in three years.
 

As host of City TV's landmark music journalism show “The New Music” in the mid 1990s, he interviewed hundreds of celebrities from David Bowie and Leonard Cohen to The Rolling Stones and the Spice Girls. Mr. Lewis was also MuchMusic's Political Specialist in those years, pioneering political “uncoverage” in two federal elections and the 1995 referendum on Quebec separation. His 1993 election night special won a Gemini Award for best Special Event Coverage.


Avi Lewis lives in Toronto, Canada


Naomi Klein, Writer/ Producer


Naomi Klein is an award-winning journalist and author of the international best seller No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. Translated into 27 languages and with over a million copies in print, The New York Times called No Logo “a movement bible.” In 2000, The Guardian Newspaper short-listed it for its First Book Award, and in 2001, No Logo won the Canadian National Business Book Award, and the French Prix Médiations.


Naomi Klein writes an internationally syndicated column for The Nation, The Guardian and The Globe and Mail. A collection of her work, entitled “Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Globalization Debate” was published in October 2002.


She is a former Miliband Fellow at the London School of Economics and is presently the Freda Kirchway Fellow of the Nation Institute.
 

Ms. Klein lives in Toronto.

 

 

 

 


Credits


Produced by Barna-Alper Inc. and Klein Lewis Productions,
in co-production with the National Film Board of Canada
and in association with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation


Directed by:
Avi Lewis

 

Written by:
Naomi Klein

 

Editor:
Ricardo Acosta

 

Director Of Photography:
Mark Ellam

 

Location Sound:
Jason Milligan

 

Composer:
David Wall

 

Produced by:
Avi Lewis
Naomi Klein

 

Co-Producer:
Katie Mckenna

 

Producer for fhe NFB:
Silva Basmajian

 

Executive Producer:
Laszlo Barna

 

For The CBC:
Jerry Mcintosh
Marie Natanson

 

Line Producer:
Pim Van Der Toorn

 

Field Producers:
Esteban Magnani
Julian Massaldi-Fuchs
Cecilia Sainz
Silvana Santiago

 

Senior Field Prod/ Visual Research:
Dawn Makinson

 

Second Camera:
John Jordan
Robin Mckenna


Second Sound:
Susana Guichal

 

Prod. Mngr. (Arg)/ Post Co-Ord:
Paula Talesnik

 

Logistics Coordinator:
David Meslin

 

Research:
Tomas Bril
Joseph Huff-Hannon

 

Please see also:

www.thetake.org


 

 



진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

9.24 평화대회..

Yesterday at last the first English report about last Sunday's Protest against new USFK garrisons in the Pyeongtaek region was published on http://saveptfarmers.org/blog (Days in Daechuri). Here it comes:

 

Over 15,000 come to Seoul solidarity rally;

villagers defy government with rice harvest

 

In Seoul over 15,000 people came out on September 24 for a rally in solidarity with Doduri and Daechuri, and against the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement (FTA). See below for links to photos of the demo. Daechuri and Doduri villagers ripped apart a huge US flag in protest against the base expansion. Other activists tore down and cut through a section of razor wire fence, like the fencing that keeps villagers from their fields.

 

It's just a performance (unfortunately^^)

 

Several US Korean war veterans, some very elderly, came over from the US for the rally. Japanese activists came to the rally from from Henoko, a Japanese city fighting to keep a US military airport from relocating to their town. As the rally was going on, several activists scaled a nearby ancient city gate and hung a banner against the Pyeongtaek expulsion and the FTA, before being taken down and arrested by police. Solidarity actions were also held in other cities around the world..


 

 

Several days after the demonstration, villagers defied the Korean Ministry of Defense by beginning this season's harvest of one variety of rice. Villagers haven't been able to reach most of their fields since the police fenced them off with razor wire during the May 4th attack, beginning the police occupation of the fields that continues today. But in some close-in fields, villagers have been able to irrigate their crops and prepare for the harvest. On September 27th, villagers began to harvest one of the fields that the government claims as property of the Ministry of Defense. At one point during the day, a government helicopter buzzed down near the field to take pictures of those working in the fields. Villagers will keep harvesting the fields that they can still reach during the coming days. Villagers refuse to stop working their land as they have always done. The harvest shows the government that they aren't planning on abandoning their land before the government's October 31 expulsion deadline.

 

This week the nightly candlelight vigil is being held in nearby Pyeongtaek City, in front of the jail where Daechuri leader Kim Ji-tae has been held since May. Kim Ji-tae's hearing was scheduled for September 22, but prosecutors asked to postpone it until mid October, to keep Kim Ji-tae from attending the September 24th rally in Seoul. Villagers and supporters continue to demand that Kim Ji-tae be set free immediately.

 

 

For more photos, videos(VoP, Ohmynews) and reports(in Korean) about last Sunday's rally please check out this:

http://www.tongilnews.com/article.asp?mainflag=Y&menuid=101000&articleid=68084
http://www.voiceofpeople.org/new/2006092451556.html
http://www.newscham.net/news/view.php?board=news&id=37520
http://www.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?at_code=362213&ar_seq=9

http://blog.jinbo.net/tkdcjsdk/?pid=77

http://blog.jinbo.net/save_nature/?pid=150

http://www.yaalll.com/116

http://www.voiceofpeople.org/new/2006092451578.html

http://www.spark946.org/bugsboard/index.php?BBS=s_news&action=viewForm&uid=1327&page=1

 

 

 

PS:

 

KCNA "reported" following about the event:

 

Fourth Grand Peace March Held in Seoul

 

 "The fourth grand peace march for a total renegotiation on the plan for the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek" was reportedly held in Seoul on September 24 under the sponsorship of the All-People Measure Committee for Checking the Expansion of the U.S. Military Base in Phyongthaek. That day the south Korean authorities let loose a large police force and 50 odd buses of the riot police to block the surroundings of the venue of the event and roads to it for a crackdown.
 
    The peace march was preceded by "a meeting for denouncing the Defense Ministry for its forcible evacuation of dwelling houses, demanding a total renegotiation on the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek and condemning the U.S. threat to peace of the Korean Peninsula and its demand of land for its military base" in front of the U.S. military base in Ryongsan, Seoul.
 
    The protesters tore a large Stars and Stripes into pieces and fastened police buses deployed around the U.S. military base in Ryongsan with them.
    Then there followed the fourth grand peace march against the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek.
 
    In the course of the march, the marchers snowballed(!!^^) to more than 12,000.
    Passing by the building of the Defense Ministry, the protesters chanted "We denounce Bush administration," "Stop to expansion of U.S. military base in Phyongthaek" and so on.
 
    At the end of the grand march they started an anti-U.S., anti-war agitation here and there. After the march, "the main rally of the September 24 grand peace march" was held in the Seoul City Hall plaza.
    Several speeches were made to be followed by the reading of a resolution at the rally.
 
    The resolution said the authorities should immediately stop the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek and crackdown on the inhabitants of Taechu-ri and Todu-ri. If the "government" and the United States continue to force the expansion of the U.S. military base in Phyongthaek, turning a deaf ear to this demand, they would face denunciation by the world peace loving forces, the resolution warned...

http://www.kcna.co.jp/item/2006/200609/news09/28.htm#6

 


 


진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

10th 평양 국제 영화제

Yanks not invited
North Korean fest bars H'wood pix


By DEREK ELLEY

Few if any American film executives have managed to penetrate North
Korea's Pyongyang Film Festival, one of the world's most mysterious
events. Hollywood reps and films have been barred from the fest since it
began in 1987 - and that policy was unchanged for the 10th edition,
which shuttered Friday, despite this year's theme of "Peace,
Independence and Friendship."
So where does the world's most separatist country base its fest's
120-plus foreign guests a collection of official delegates, helmers,
producers, buyers (mostly from France and Germany) and Asiaphile critics
- who make it through the country's tight security? The 47-story
Yanggakdo Hotel on an island in the Taedong River that flows through
Pyongyang, well away from locals.
And, perhaps fittingly for a fest held in a totalitarian state, German
drama "Napola," set in a Nazi Youth training school, won film honors on
Friday evening.
Pic was chosen by a five-member feature jury, which included Russia's
Roza Film Studio director Galina Ebtysenko; German producer and head of
Bioskop Film, Hans Eberhard Junkersdorf; and Beijing Film Studio
director Wang Haowei.

Fest's main venue was the five-plex Pyongyang Intl. Cinema House next to
the hotel, although bigger movies, like German opener "The Miracle of
Bern," U.K. comedies "Bean" and "Nanny McPhee" and French drama "Cache,"
played downtown in the 3,000-seat People's Palace of Culture to SRO
auds. They were among the 72 titles in the program of old and new pics,
including 42 features, plus docus, shorts and toons, during the 10-day
fest. Aside from the obvious no-show of films from South Korea, the most
notable absence was U.S. pics, which are available in North Korea only
to university students and third-year acting students at the Pyongyang
Drama & Movie Institute. Young people in the capital are nevertheless
knowledgeable about Western stars and, as in South Korea and other Asian
countries, hang out at "video-bang" or KTV joints, where pics are
screened in individual rooms similar to karaoke booths.

Main focus for many of the guests was North Korean fare. However, only
two new features, both released locally in August, played at the fest:
Jang In-hak's "The Schoolgirl's Diary" and Phyo Kwang's anti-Japanese
period actioner "Pyongyang Nalpharam." Though local feature production
was down to two this year, plans are afoot to beef that up to five to
seven features next year.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, a well-known movie buff with a private
collection reputed to contain 20,000 titles, intends to upgrade the
industry's tech aspects, with $3 million recently invested in new
equipment.
With all actors and filmmakers on monthly salaries from the three
state-owned movie studios, budgets are hard to calculate in Western
terms, although an average movie costs around $100,000. Country has some
500 screens.
Main foreign markets for the movies are China, Vietnam, Iran and India,
with toons popular items.
Dealmaking remains difficult as many countries block North Korean bank
accounts overseas, but officials at Korea Film Export & Import Corp.
seem eager to do biz.

Meanwhile, European movies came away the big winners at the fest.
Apart from "Napola," small-scale Gallic drama "Not Here to Be Loved"
drew the director nod for Stephane Brize, and "Cache," a French-language
production helmed and written by Austria's Michael Haneke, took script
honors.
Actor prize went to Mathias Gnadinger in Swiss pic "Sternenberg," about
a 68-year-old primary school pupil in a village school about to be closed.
Other feature film awards went to pics from Russia, China and India,
with Indian painter-cum-filmmaker M.F. Husain's "Meenaxi: Tale of 3
Cities" winning lensing and art direction, both by Bollywood veterans.
For the past nine editions, the fest has been biannual. It could become
an annual event in the future, though no decision has been made.

Winners of the Pyongyang Film Festival:

FEATURE FILM COMPETITION
Best Film: "Napola" (dir. Dennis Gansel, Germany)
Best Director: Stephane Brize ("Not Here To Be Loved," France)
Best Script: Michael Haneke ("Hidden," France-Austria-Germany-Italy)
Best Photography: Santosh Sivan ("Meenaxi: Tale of 3 Cities," India)
Best Actor: Mathias Gnaedinger ("Sternenberg," Switzerland)
Best Art Director: Sharmishta Roy ("Meenaxi: Tale of 3 Cities")
Best Music: "Haul" (Russia)
Best Technical Prize: "Tai Hang Mountain" (Wei Lian, Shen Dong, Chen
Jian, China)
Special Jury Prize: "Children & Grandchildren of the Soldiers" (Minh
Chuyen, Vietnam)

TV PROGRAM COMPETITION
Best Director: Lisa Munthe, Helen Ahlsson ("The Armwrestler from
Solitude," Sweden)
Best Script: Hala Lotfy ("About Feeling Cold," Egypt)
Best Photography: Laurent Chalet, Jerome Maison ("The Emperor's
Journey," France)
Best Art Direction: "Clever Racoon Dog, Pt. 54" (Yun Yong-gil, N. Korea,
animated)
Best Music: Emile Simon ("The Emperor's Journey")

OTHER AWARDS
Festival Management Award (shared): "Public Relations" (Samir Zikra,
Syria), "Warm Spring" (Wulan Tana, China)

 

 

 

PS:

 

KCNA "reported" following last Friday:

 

Pyongyang Int'l Film Festival Closes

 

The 10th Pyongyang International Film Festival which opened on Sept. 13 closed on Friday with due ceremony at the People's Palace of Culture. Present at the closing ceremony were Yang Hyong Sop, vice-president of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, Ro Tu Chol, vice-premier of the Cabinet, Kang Nung Su, minister of Culture who is chairman of the Organizing Committee of the festival, Pang Chol Gap, chairman of the Pyongyang City People's Committee, officials concerned, creators and artistes in the field of movie industry and working people in the city.
 
    Also present there were delegations and delegates from various countries which participated in the festival.
    Diplomatic envoys of various countries and staff members of foreign embassies here were present there on invitation.
    At the closing ceremony the jury announced the results of the contest and prizes were awarded to successful films.
    A letter to leader Kim Jong Il from the participants in the film festival was adopted at the ceremony.
 
    Kang Nung Su in a closing address said that the festival has come to a successful close thanks to the sincere efforts of the participants in the festival and progressive moviemen.
 
    He pointed to the fact that while staying in the DPRK the participants in the festival expressed support to the Korean people in their just cause of energetically pushing ahead with the building of a great prosperous powerful socialist nation. He declared the festival closed, noting that the Korean people would as ever make positive efforts to steadily develop the Pyongyang International Film Festival. The festival provided progressive moviemen from various parts of the world with a meaningful occasion to swap the successes and experience gained by them in the creation of cinematic art and boost the exchange and cooperation among them. According to the results announced by the jury, German full-length feature film "Napola" received the best prize.
 
    Among the full-length feature films that entered the contest French film "Not Here to Be Loved" received the prize of production, French film "Hidden" the prize of scenario, Indian film "Tale of 3 Cities" the prize of shooting, the Belgian actor who played the part of a hero in the Belgian film "Off Screen" the prize of male star acting, the Swiss actress who played the part of a female teacher in Swiss film "Sternenberg" the prize of female star acting, the Indian film "Tale of 3 Cities" received the art prize, Russian film "The Vesyegonsk's She-Wolf" was awarded the music prize and Chinese film "Taihang Mountain" the technical prize.
 
    Among the TV program films that entered competition Swedish documentary "The Armwrestler from Solitude" received the prize of production, Egyptian documentary "About Feeling Cold" got the prize for the framework of story, the French documentary "The Emperor's Journey" the prize of shooting, a sequel to Korean children's film "The Clever Racoon Dog" was awarded the art prize and the French documentary "The Emperor's Journey" also got the music prize.
 
    Both Syrian film "Public Relations" and Chinese film "Warm Spring" won the prize of the Festival Organizing Committee and the Vietnamese documentary film "Children and Grandchildren of the Soldiers" was awarded the prize of the festival international jury.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

독일/매일 현실(동영상)

 

 

8.12 in the north-east German city of Wismar 150 anti-fascists demonstrated under the slogan "No Vote for Neo-Nazis/Fascists Parties". Following video is documenting the "event".

 

A short while after the beginning of the demonstration they passed a neo-nazi shop(you can watch it 1 min. 30 sec. after the beginning of the video). While the demonstrators (wanted to) listen to a contribution about the shop and its role in the neo-nazi network structure five fascists were trying to attack the demo by using metal baseball bats. Only the cops, escorting the demo, were able to stop the fascists by threatening to use fire arms..

 


 

 

 

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

9.24 평화대행진..

 

 

Impressions

(..by Voice of People, Ohmynews..)

 


 

 

 

 




 

 

 

 

(more about it later..)

 

 

 

 



진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

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