세계화반대 여성연대

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<여성학협동과정․여성연구소 심포지움>

"한미FTA와 여성의 미래 :글로벌 여성실천의 모색"

주최 : 서울대학교 여성학협동과정․여성연구소

일시 : 2007년 3월 30일 2시-6시

장소 : 서울대 멀티미디어 강의동(83동) 501호

사회> 엄혜진(서울대 여성학협동과정 박사과정)

발제1> “신자유주의 세계화, 한미 FTA 그리고 여성 : 한미 FTA가 여성에게 미치는 영향”            김원정(서울대 여성학협동과정 석사과정, 민주노동당 정책연구원)

발제2> “FTA, 여성주의적으로 사고하고, 지구적으로 저항하자”

          정주연(세계화반대여성연대)

발제3> 한미FTA가 여성의 노동과 재생산관계에 미칠 영향: 멕시코 NAFTA 사례와의 비교분석

          문현아(여성문화이론연구소)

<토론>

배은경교수(서울대학교 여성학협동과정)

문경희박사(숙명여대 아시아여성연구소)

정미애박사(국민대 일본학연구소 학술연구교수)

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Marceline White (Global Trade Program at Women's Edge Coalition, www.womensedge.org), 2004, 12:2

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Lessons from NAFTA: The High Cost "Free" Trade

Hemispheric Social Alliance, June 2003


NAFTA in Mexico: Promises, Myths and Realities
NAFTA’s Impact on Mexican Agriculture: An Overview
NAFTA in the United States: An Assessment
NAFTA in Canada: The Era of a Supra-Constitution
Investment Provisions Threaten Democracy in All Three Countries

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U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement Descends into Human Trafficking & Involuntary Servitude

May 2006

By Charles Kernaghan, National Labor Committee

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Divide and Conquer - The FTAA, U.S. trade strategy and public services in the Americas

Public Services International

Prepared by
Scott Sinclair, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives
and
Ken Traynor, Canadian Environmental Law Association
for Public Services International

November, 2004

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한미FTA와 여성노동의 변화

 일시 : 2006년 6월 28일(수) 오후 2시 ~ 5시

 장소 : 여성문화이론연구소

 주관 : 여성문화이론연구소

  주최 : 한미FTA저지 교수학술공대위

            한미FTA저지를 위한 여성대책위

발제1)  한미 FTA와 여성노동의 비정규화 (문현아/여이연)

발제2)  신자유주의, 한미 FTA 그리고 이주여성 (박천응/ 안산외국인 노동자센터)

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Declaration from the Women’s Committee of the Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) at the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) Ministerial Meeting in Miami

The members of the Women’s Committee of the Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) present in Miami during the FTAA Ministerial Meeting, declare our inconformity with the direction of the negotiation process that is stated in the Declaration that was signed by the Ministers.

Since the Fourth World Conference of Women that took place in Beijing in 1995, women developed an important agenda about the issues that governments should first address in order to advance a more just and equal society, not only for women but also for our communities. This agenda includes economic, social, cultural, and political issues, and emphasizes the following: gender equity, the right to a life without violence, the struggle against wage and occupational discrimination of women, the right to free association of workers in defense of labor rights, the access to food, education, health, essential services, and to a quality of life and wellbeing that is free from discrimination based on sex, age, and ethnicity.

The achievement of this agenda has been impeded and reversed by the political proposals and impositions of trade agreements, the neoliberal economic model, and patriarchal dominance. This model imposes and reproduces unequal relations between and within nations, and between women and men.

The experiences, research, and analysis of the real impacts of trade agreements such as NAFTA in our countries has demonstrated that these agreements, rather than resolving the acute problems that plague our countries, make them worse.

The FTAA extends authoritarianism and militarization because it constructs a kind of domination and imposition that is deepened within the context of the globalized war (?) and patriarchal domination in our countries. It does not support the construction of a real democracy in which gender equity could be possible and it violates the constitutions, pacts, treaties, and human rights conventions, in which gender is included. The global economic system is not sustainable within this structure of exclusion.

Women Say NO TO the FTAA because:

1. Initiatives such as the FTAA leave our countries legally defenseless since they seek to institute themselves as Supreme Law by acquiring constitutional authority and placing themselves above the national, state, and municipal laws of a country. Countries such as Mexico have experienced how these practices, in the investment chapters for example, have been used by large transnational corporations to undermine the sovereign rights of countries to decide when to accept or reject foreign investment that protects the environment.

2. The agriculture chapters in the trade agreements-and in the draft FTAA agreement- award commercial advantages to the export of agriculture products and procurement from the United States, those that flood national markets with highly subsidized products from transnational corporations. These rules subject small farm economies to unfair competition that lead to the bankruptcy of local agricultural production. The FTAA not only commits an outrage against the productive sector but also destroys the way of life of hundreds of thousands of families. Women in the countryside play a fundamental role in the reproduction of the rural, indigenous and popular family; this has remained irrelevant in the logic of trade agreements. Women continue to be subjected to the heaviest workload, to the need to seek employment in the informal sector, and to being separated from their families and their communities.

3. Migration has become the only alternative for thousands of people-men and women-from the countryside and the city due to the lack of labor opportunities, many of which they lost due to trade agreements. The number of young women migrants has increased with the growing need for the survival of their families. The patrons of migration (?) impose the actual conditions of migration that cannot be more disadvantageous for women. When the women migrate, they have to abandon their families, their children-who generally are left in the care of other young girls or elderly family members; if they migrate with their entire families, their lives are subject to significant inequality in terms of education, health, food, wellbeing. When it is the men who leave in search of jobs in other places within and outside their countries of origen, the women are left alone-without resources- to care for their families. The example of Mexico could not be more dismal: while they have been touted as the model of the benefits of free trade, millions of Mexicans live and work in the U.S. under precarious legal and social conditions, undocumented migrants are brutally persecuted, and the Bush administration has no interest in negotiating a Migrant Agreement and it continues to maintain the illegal status of workers in order to force them to accept low salaries. The impacts of NAFTA and the national political accords that have emerged from this agreement have caused the foreign remittances that Mexicans living abroad send home to be the primary source of foreign exchange for the country-surpassing even the petroleum industry and the manufacturing and tourism sectors. This is the result of the promises of development that NAFTA offered to Mexico and today the FTAA is offering this same reality to the rest of Latin America: unemployment and expulsion and persecution of hundreds of thousands of women and men.

4. Intellectual Property Rights established in the agreements have permitted powerful chemical laboratories and transnational pharmaceutical companies to appropriate the riches from flora and fauna that many countries in the Americas possess. The villages and indigenous women who live in them and have conserved large areas with the oldest biodiversity, are targets of large mining, forestry, pharmaceutical, water, and energy companies, among others. All of these resources are being converted into goods through processes of privatization and industrialization controlled by large foreign investors.

5. Public services such as water, education, and health are no longer viewed as the means to social wellbeing and instruments for the development of communities but rather will be converted into tradable goods offered to the highest bidder if the FTAA and other similar trade agreements are implemented. The costs of social reproduction will be transferred to families and, within this, to the women. Trade agreements don’t only fail to promote equal sharing of responsibility of social reproduction between the genders and within society, but also worsen the conditions of women and their ability to provide health, education, water, and services to their families and communities.

6. The maquila model that promotes the neoliberal system of economic development for the poor countries has been shown to be highly exploitative of the women workers who suffer from low salaries, long distances to travel to work, unclean working conditions, sexual harassment, and labor and human rights violations. The maquila export industry has enjoyed large financial privileges without its growth leading to significant development successes in the regions in which it is located. It has economically weakened other sectors of the national economy and imposed precarious environmental and labor conditions under the constant threat of transferring to other regions. It is not a model of industrialization towards which countries in the region that are working towards national development should aspire, and it is also not an acceptable alternative for women who are interested in joining the labor force. Rather, it is quite the opposite.

7. Trade agreements and the FTAA act with the logic of transforming all human activity into tradable goods from which to reap profits that benefit the transnational corporations and those who accumulate the riches. Because of this, we are witnessing new forms of suppression and exploitation of women, simply because of the fact that they are women, so much so that their bodies are now considered to be disposable.

8. Trade agreements and the FTAA undermine the authority of the State in the society, limit its role and attributes and, in the process, consolidate the presence and concentrate the national decision-making powers of the transnational consortiums that come from the biggest world powers. In the case of our continent, it is the United States.

9. The women of the Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) don’t oppose the processes of economic integration that respect human rights and are inclusive instead of asymmetrical. However, we do oppose the FTAA and similar bilateral trade agreements that violate human rights and permit the growth of new forms of oppression and domination of women and communities.

The Women Members of the Hemispheric Social Alliance:

Affirm that the FTAA is based on something other than ‘free trade’ that is neither free, nor trade but is rather an instrument used to benefit the few and the most powerful.

We denounce the abusive use of power by transnational corporations and their governments that increase social exclusion and worsen the differential relations between countries, social sectors, and men and women. Women are impacted differently than men by trade agreements, finding themselves in disadvantageous positions in the workplace, within the family and the community.

We therefore demand:

1. The promotion of dialogue and negotiations that create new forms of relationships between countries based on conditions of equity that allow equal participation of women and men.

2. The prioritization and privileging of food security and sovereignty through the promotion of sustainable forms of production that not only value, protect, and acknowledge the role of women in production and reproduction but also empower them. Women should have the right to the use and ownership of land, access to water, the sensible use of the forests and other natural resources that are equal to the opportunities of men. The new forms of economic integration should support and promote alternative rural economies and fair trade networks.

3. The respect of human (economic, social, political, and cultural) rights of migrants that guarantee freedom of movement of people [such as the laws that enable the free movement of capital and goods?].

4. The patrons of migration (?) should take into consideration the different needs of women and men and the impact of migration on children. The contribution that migrants make to the economies to which they travel is made at the price of their personal, family, and community development. Therefore, we insist on the elimination of all forms of violence against and exploitation of women and children.

5. The State should guarantee public services such as health, food, education, and water, and maintain control of strategic resources such as petroleum and electrical energy. Women should be integrated into the decision-making mechanisms that determine use and distribution of these essential resources, especially water.

We want the governments to know that we are following the negotiations and their impacts on our lives and we are aware of the pressure that the United States is secretly exerting on them that is unacceptable because it infringes on the autonomy of countries. (not sure about this part)

We call on our governments to create alliances and develop a united position that benefits the communities of the region.

We the women from the Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) demand that the official negotiators change the rules of the game by rejecting the abuse of power and the pressure of the U.S. and we call on them to reconstruct an equal and dignified form of integration.

We the women of the Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) promise to promote an alternative model of integration for the Americas.

We present our Political Declaration and the Political Strategies approved in the International Forum for the Rights of Women in Trade Agreements that took place in Quintana Roo, Cancun from September 8-9, 2003.

ANOTHER EQUAL AND UNITED AMERICAS IS POSSIBLE!

Women’s Committee of the HSA

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국제젠터무역네트워크 (International Gender Trade Network; IGTN)에서 2005년 1월에 발간한 자료.

"Beijing+10 Meets WTO+10 Assessing the Impact of Trade Liberalization on Women’s Human Rights"

"베이징+10이 WTO+10을 만나다 - 무역자유화가 여성 인권에 미친 영향 분석"

(영문 원본)

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Table of Contents

Introduction: Beijing+10 Meets WTO
Integrating Gender Concerns: Gender Mainstreaming vs. Engendering Trade
IGTN Asia: Report on the Philippines

Central Asia Sub-region: Reflections from a Transition Economy

Caribbean Gender and Trade Network: A Bird in the Hand

Latin America: La OMC Amenaza la Plataforma de Beijing
United States of America: Economic Policy Jeopardizes Women’s Rights

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코차밤바 남미국가공동체 정상회담과 민중회담

2006년 12월 8~9일, 볼리비아 코차밤바에서 남미국가공동체(South American Community of Nations) 2차 정상회담이 개최됐다. 1차 정상회담은 2004년 페루 꾸르꼬에서 개최됐는데, 이 때 남미국가공동체를 출범시켰다. 좌파 성향의 정권들이 주도한 남미국가공동체는 신자유주의적 자본의 지역통합을 지양하고, 대안적인 세계화(지역통합)를 추구한다는 목표를 가지고 있다. 남미국가공동체에는 아르헨티나, 볼리비아, 브라질, 칠레, 콜롬비아, 에콰도르, 기아나, 파라과이, 페루, 수리남, 우루과이와 베네수엘라가 참여하고 있다.
남미국가공동체가 개최된 시기에 남미 민중운동 진영은 별도의 민중회담을 개최하면서 공식 정상회담에 개입했다.

아래는 코차밤바 민중회담에서 나온 선언문(한글본, 영문본)입니다.

______________________

코차밤바 선언문

우리는 코차밤바 민중회담으로 시작된 이 중대한 역사적 순간에 경의를 표한다. 코차밤바 민중회담은 민중의 이해관계에 의거한 지역통합의 과정을 심화시키겠다는 과제를 안고 개최되었다.

미주 민중들은 시장근본주의, 사유화와 자유무역을 기반으로 한 경제모델 적용으로 고통을 받아왔다. 이런 경제모델은 불평등 심화, 노동조건 후퇴, 실업, 비공식부문 노동 급증, 환경 파괴, 여성에 대한 차별 심화, 빈곤, 원주민 및 농촌 공동체 주변화, 개발 및 경제 정책을 추진할 수 있는 국가 역량 약화로 이어졌다.

이와 같은 정책을 확대하고 강화한다는 목표 하에 미주자유무역지대(FTAA)와 지역 자유무역협정이 추진되고 있는데, 그러면서 정부들은 인권, 사회권, 경제권, 문화권과 환경권이 존중되고 내수시장에 기반한 자율적인 개발을 위한 모든 노력을 방기하고 있다.

미주 민중들은 이 모델에 대항해 투쟁의 주체였으며, 무역과 초국적 기업의 이해관계를 우선시하는 FTAA와 국가 간 협정들을 결렬시키는 데 결정적인 기여를 했다.

점차 커진 남미 민중운동의 물결은 원주민 공동체와 소농들, 도시 빈민과 여성, 젊은이, 학생, 노동자들과 모든 사회운동 조직들을 포괄한다. 이들은 민중의 요구에 민감하고 미국 정부와 기업으로부터 거리를 두면서 자체적인 길을 모색하는 새로운 정부들이 집권해가고 있는 이 새로운 정치적, 사회적 순간을 만들어갔다. 지금 남미에서의 이 정치적 순간은 민중을 위한 진정한 주권적 통합을 향해 전진할 수 있는, 우리가 놓칠 수 없는 역사적 기회를 제공한다.

남미국가공동체는 기본 재화와 천연자원의 수출, 외채 부담과 불평등한 부의 분배에 기반한 자유무역 모델의 연장선상에 있어서 안된다.

진정한 남미국가공동체 구성은 민중적 요구를 외면하는 과정이 되어서는 안된다. 그렇기 때문에 실질적인 사회적 참여가 있어야 한다.

우리는 경쟁보다 협력이, 상업적 이해보다 민중의 권리가, 농산업보다 식량주권이, 사유화보다 사회적 안녕을 제공하는 국가의 행동이, 이윤에 대한 욕망보다 평등이, 천연자원에 대한 약탈보다 환경에 대한 존중이, 노동의 성별 분업보다 젠더 평등이 우선시 되는 다른 형태의 통합이 필요하다고 생각한다. 우리는 원주민 공동체를 주변화하고, 착취하고, 이들의 가치, 경제와 전통을 민속상품으로 전락시킬 것이 아니라 이들의 가치를 존중하고 촉진해야 한다.

남미국가공동체는 평화를 촉진하고, 민중의 인권을 보장해야 한다. 제국주의적 음모와 군부대 개입, 외국군 부대 설립과 다른 나라 점령군으로 참여하는 것을 막아야 한다.

남미국가공동체를 출범시키기 위한 노력은 발전의 방향을 바꿔내고 국가들이 주권을 수호할 때에만 성과를 거둘 수 있다.

미주 민중들은 민중에 의한, 민중을 위한 통합을 계속 추진할 것이며, 자체적인 요구와 제안을 가지고 참여할 것이다.

우리는 실질적인 결과를 낼 수 있는 대화를 추진할 의향이 있으며, 민중운동이 통합하는 과정과 진정한 민주주의를 만들어나가는 과정, 그리고 우리 민중의 안녕을 추진하는 과정에 주체로 참여할 수 있도록 우리의 저항 투쟁을 지속할 것이다.

민중의 통합을 위해, 다른 아메리카는 가능하다.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

COCHABAMBA MANIFESTO


We salute this important historic moment which opens with the Summit of Cochabamba, which holds the challenge of deepening a process of regional integration which expresses the peoples’ interests.

The peoples of America have suffered from the application of an economic model which is based on market fundamentalism, privatisation and free trade, which has led to a growth in inequality, the deterioration of labour conditions, unemployment, the spread of informal-sector work, degradation of the environment, deepening discrimination against women, poverty, marginalisation of indigenous and rural communities and the loss of State capacity to promote development and economic policies.

With the aim of widening and deepening these policies, there were attempts to create the Free Trade Agreement of America (FTAA) and regional Free Trade Agreements, by which Governments abandoned any attempt at autonomous development based on the internal market which respect all human, social, economic, cultural and environmental rights.

The peoples of the Continent have been protagonists of a struggle against this model, contributing decisively to stopping FTAA and agreements between countries which privilege trade and the interests of multinationals.

This growing organisation of popular movements in South America includes indigenous communities, small-scale farmers, marginalised inhabitants of cities, women, young people, students, workers together with all the social organisations. They have defined this new political and social moment which is advancing in the formation of new governments sensitive to popular demands, who distance themselves from the agenda of the US Government and corporations and who seek their own path. This political time which South America is living offers an historical opportunity, which we can’t miss, to advance towards a true sovereign integration for the peoples.

The South American Community of Nations can not be an extension of the free trade model based on the exports of basic goods and natural resources, indebtedness and the unequal distribution of wealth.

The creation of a real South American Community of Nations can not be a process which excludes popular demands, therefore it needs an authentic social participation.

We consider that we need another type of integration in which cooperation prevails over competition, the rights of its peoples over commercial interests, food sovereignty over agroindustry, the actions of the State in providing wellbeing over privatisation, a sense of equity over the desire for profits, respect for the environment instead of the looting of natural resources and gender equity rather than sexual division of work. We also must prioritise the recognition, respect and promotion of indigenous communities’ contributions rather than the marginalisation, exploitation and conversion into folklore of their values and economic and traditional traditions.

The Community must be a promoter of peace and a guarantor of peoples’ human rights; and against imperial pretensions, opposed to the interference of troops, the installation of foreign military bases and the participation of occupying forces in third countries.

The efforts to construct a Community of South American Nations will only bear fruit, if we change the type of development and defend the sovereignty of nations

The peoples of the Continent will continue to promote integration, by and for the peoples, participating with our own demands and proposals.

We are willing to promote dialogue which leads to real results, maintaining our struggles of resistance which ensure the protagonism of popular movements in the process of integration, promoting true democracy and well-being for our peoples.

For the Integration of the Peoples, Another America is possible.