CINA

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Today's S. Korean media (Yonhap etc..) reported - in connection with the coming presidential election - about a very critical (or just crazy..) development in the workers' movement, at least in the reformist part of the movement: Almost 70 percent of the KFTU (Korean Federation of Trade Unions) members will - probably - vote for one extreme conservative, respectively reactionary (Lee Myung-bak & Lee Hoi-chang) candidate of the ruling exploiter, i.e. capitalist class. (Opps.. Simply said, they must be complete "brain amputated"!!)

Labor Union Endorses Conservative Frontrunner Lee for President (K. Times)
 

Lee Myung-bak, the conservative front-runner for this month's presidential election, received a rare endorsement Sunday from one of South Korea's two umbrella labor unions that have traditionally sided with the liberals.

Lee of the main opposition Grand National Party is poised to win the Dec. 19 vote, with his approval rating having surged several percentage points to well over 40 percent after prosecutors cleared him of allegations of involvement in a major financial fraud.

The Federation of Korean Trade Unions, the less militant of South Korea's two umbrella labor organizations, said that in a recent opinion survey of its members, Lee was picked as the most favored among three major candidates. It's the first time South Korea's labor body has thrown its support behind the candidate of
the conservative party that has sided with conglomerates.

The endorsement seemed even more unusual because Lee was often accused of suppressing labor activity when he was the chief executive of Hyundai Construction and Engineering from the late 1970s to the early 1990s.

In the Dec. 1-7 survey, 41.5 percent picked Lee as their favorite over liberal Chung Dong-young of the pro-government United New Democratic Party who garnered a 31 percent approval rating. The least popular was rightwing independent Lee Hoi-chang, a former GNP chairman and the party's two-time standard-bearer. He earned a 27.5 percent approval rating, the union said in a statement.

Survey workers contacted 505,700 members of the nationwide union by telephone, and 236,600 people responded, the union said.

The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, South Korea's other labor umbrella organization, has yet to take an official stance on candidates. (*)

http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2007/12/116_15189.html

* Until now KCTU - at least the leadership - is agitating for the election of Kwon Young-ghil, DLP's "Workers' President" candidate.

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After tomorrow (Sunday, 12.09), on the occasion of this year's Int'l Migrant's Day, MTU activists and (hopefully!!) all their supporters will stage a massive protest rally/demo in the S. Korean capital Seoul (2PM, Marronnier Park/Hyehwa subway stn.)!

JOIN THE EVENT!!

SUPPORT THE STRUGGLE!!

투쟁~!투쟁~!

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Yesterday (12.05) the first massive protest rally against the imprisonment of almost the entire leadership of MTU took place in the S. Korean capital Seoul.

In the early afternoon about 300 activists of various labour unions (organized in the KCTU) - such as Construction Workers Union (KFCWTU), E-Land Workers Union, Metal Workers Union, Government Employees' Union, Public Service Workers' Union etc.. - student groups, political parties (DLP, Socialist Party..) and resistance groups (such as the Federation Against House Demolition etc..) gathered in front of the Immigration Office in Mok-dong to demand the immediate release of the prisoners and the end of the repression against migrant workers in S.K. in general and the MTU in particular.
   BTW.. it was the first really strong protest there since long time - likely since the end of our Sit-in strike in Myeong-dong (2003-2004), although the government's policy of manhunt and mass deportation (of undocumented migrant workers) never has been stopped since it started in late autumn 2003...

   Also y'day, almost at the same time, 10 MTU activists and about 30 supporters started a sit-in strike in the Korean Council of Churches (KNCC), near Jong-no 5-ga. In the second half of following video you can watch the first impressions about the "event":

Following some impressions from y'day's protest rally in Mok-dong (source of the pics: A.T., VoP):

*****

Sit-in strike in KNCC: Agit-Prop performance (^^) 

for migrants workers by Korean comrade

For more please see following reports:

☞ "이주노조 핵심간부 전원 석방하라" (민중의소리)

☞ [12월 5일] 이주노조.. 서울출입국사무소 앞 규탄 집회 (다함께)

☞ 대전, 표적 단속과 강제추방 반대 기자회견 (참세상, 12.06)

☞ 이주노조 간부 3인을 즉각 석방하라 (OhmyNews, 12.04)

☞ New Attacks on Korean Migrant Workers Union (IUF, 12.05)

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First of all: today's MTU rally in front of Seoul's Immigration Office in Mok-dong was joined by about 300 activists (more about it likely tomorrow)!!

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..supported by:

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A new opinion poll conducted by Hankyoreh (12.01) showed that the conservative presidential frontrunner Lee Myung-bak of the Grand National Party is still "enjoying" a high approval rating of 40.2 percent, followed by independent (extreme conservative, or better said reactionary) Lee Hoi-chang at 19.2 percent and Chung Dong-young of the liberal United New Democratic Party at 14.6 percent.. The "progressive" candidat Kwon Young-ghil (Democratic Labor Party) could get 2.7 percent..

 
Last week (11.29) Asia Times (HK) published following article about the latest developments in the S. Korean election campaign:

Korea's choice: Dirty deals, snappy slogans
 

Caravans of limousines and sound trucks are careening through the streets of the capital and cities and towns throughout the country blaring out the virtues of a dozen candidates for president. Schoolgirls form colorful choruses on the fringes of rallies, shouting slogans and singing campaign songs, Buddhist monks bang on wooden drums, and television comedians cavort and joke on portable stages as the candidates themselves dance along to the rhythm of the moment.

It's an orgy of democracy in action that won't stop until December 19 when voters decide on the candidate to succeed President Roh Moo-hyun, who can't run for a second five-year term under the constitution promulgated in June 1987 after decades of near-dictatorial rule. The election is significant as a test of the popularity of a left-leaning leadership that has relentlessly pursued reconciliation with North Korea ever since Roh's predecessor, the firebrand Kim Dae-jung, won by an eyelash in December 1997 at the height of the economic crisis that forced South Korea to beg the International Monetary Fund for a US$58 billion bailout plan.

Against a backdrop of campaign debate over the economy and North Korea, however, the issue of corruption hangs over the campaign as a glowering reminder of the forces behind Korea's rise as an economic power and their influence over every corner of society.

On the same day that the candidates formally opened their campaigns, Roh had to deny having accepted any bribes while promising not to veto a bill calling for investigation of Samsung companies through which the group's former lawyer accuses top executives of channeling slush funds for bribes. Meanwhile, Lee Myung-bak, the front-running conservative who calls Roh a "leftist" and blames him for economic ills, waits anxiously as prosecutors investigate a jailed businessman who says that Lee was linked to investment funds implicated in bribery and embezzlement.

Accustomed though Koreans may be to allegations of bribery in high places, the coincidence of campaigning and investigations definitely adds a fission of excitement that might otherwise be missing both in the legal cases and on the campaign trail. The question is whether the investigations will have some unforeseen effect on an election in which the winner will be lucky to get 40% of the votes.

"All eyes are on the case of Kim Kyoung-joon, the investment fund manager who was extradited from the US to face fraud and embezzlement charges in Korea," writes conservative lawyer Kim Sang-chul. "The fear is that the investigation may determine the outcome of the election. The essential issue in this year's presidential election is whether the leftist political power will come to an end or continue in power."

The worst nightmare of conservatives is that Chung Dong-young, the candidate of the United New Democratic Party, with a popularity rating of less than 20%, will zoom up in the polls while conservative votes that would have gone to Lee Myung-bak, the candidate of the Grand National Party (GNP), drift over to Lee Hoi-chang, the losing GNP candidate in the 1997 and 2002 elections, now running as an independent.

Chung, a former TV anchorman who served as Roh's unification minister, is dedicating his campaign in part to his record in working for North-South Korean rapprochement and his pledge to follow through on wide-ranging agreements reached between Roh and North Korea's leader Kim Jong-il at their summit in Pyongyang in October.

That message, however, has only limited appeal. Support for North-South rapprochement was not enough to stop the factional infighting that tore apart the Uri Party that lofted Roh to the presidency five years ago. Chung's United New Democratic Party is a hastily contrived organization, formed just a few months ago from quarreling elements of the Uri Party as well as the remnants of Kim Dae-jung's old Millennium Democratic Party. Its sole purpose was to be able to field a single candidate to oppose Lee Myung-bak (M B Lee), whose popularity in the polls appeared unbeatable.

A resurgence of conservatism, however, is working against M B Lee at a time when he most needs loyalist support to keep his candidacy from eroding during the investigation of his links to suspect investment funds.

The independent Lee Hoi-chang (H C Lee), besides counting on a record for integrity as a former supreme court justice, is playing on right-wing sentiment, campaigning as a "true conservative" with a "clean record". H C Lee, still well behind M B Lee in the polls, has no trouble blaming North Korea's nuclear program on "the ambiguous stance" of the current government, that he accuses of having coddled North Korea's nuclear ambitions by its willingness to compromise. H C Lee's conservative appeal has forced M B Lee and the GNP to pull back from what had appeared as a carefully moderate view on North Korea.

The GNP has had to mute its advocacy of a "middle way" in dealing with North Korea, preferring not to offend deeply conservative members to whom H C Lee still offers the best hope, despite his two previous losing runs at the presidency. Having offered conditional support for moves toward reconciliation, M B Lee now says he doesn't exactly support the outlook of his own party on North Korea and will demand North Korea give up its nuclear weapons program as a prerequisite for aid, but he prefers to talk mostly about economic reform.

Following both these conservatives as they campaign through this frantically capitalist capital, one might get the impression that South Korea is in the midst of a severe economic slump rather than growing economically at a rate of several percent a year. Both of them promise economic reforms that they say will elevate employment among young people angered over the difficulties of finding jobs commensurate with their education levels, and both say the government is at fault for socialist policies that discouraged the business groups or chaebol that form the backbone of the Korean economy.

M B Lee, on the basis of his incredible rise as a young man to the chairmanship of Hyundai Engineering and Construction in the 1970s, is more far more specific than H C Lee about what he will do. At the heart of his economic program lies what he sees as the need to loosen restraints that keep the chaebol from controlling banks or holding more than limited stakes in other companies in their groups.

The scandals surrounding both the Samsung group and his own financial dealings, however, may curb any appetite for a reversal of government policies that many critics believe give the chaebol overweening power to the detriment of small and medium enterprise, not to mention millions of people on corporate payrolls.

M B Lee's supporters shrug off charges of his alleged financial misdeeds. A common refrain is that "they won't make any difference" to voters. People who offer that type of comment are quick to add, however, that "no one knows what will happen".

The Samsung case has yet to touch any of the candidates directly but fosters anti-chaebol sentiment. "The business community is worried," says a government finance official. "This is kind of a pity for us, but we think we will get over this."

While conservatives are mired in explaining away the scandals, Chung has no trouble stressing the need to "move forward" and build on the record of reconciliation with North Korea. His campaign slogan, "Happy Family", suggests an aversion to the power of the chaebol that lord it over the economy.

At one rally, enthusiasts were seen holding placards saying "Free Hugs", as Chung hugged a succession of middle-aged women who rose to join him on stage. He might have been saying Koreans should embrace North Korea too while rejecting the angry talk of the conservatives who still reign supreme in Korean society.

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/IK29Dg01.html

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STATE TERROR AGAINST MTU!!

Y'day (12.01) Znet published following article, written by Jamie D. (TwoKoreas Blog, for more solidarity.., please see below the article):

Reckless inequality: Dramatic arrests of Migrant Trade Union leadership highlight South Korea’s failed labour and migration policies

Entire MTU leadership arrested

 
On Tuesday, November 27th, the entire executive of South Korea’s Migrant Trade Union was arrested by immigration officials in three co-coordinated morning actions targeting these migrants at their places of work and residence.

 
The MTU is a courageous union of undocumented migrant workers, supported by the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) that has been active for three years in advocating for migrant workers rights. In recent months they had held a mass memorial service for migrants that had died in Korea, whether on the job or off. They also won a precedent-setting case at the Seoul High court which had ruled that the government must accept the legal registration of the Migrant Trade Union, something which the government failed to do, preferring instead, it seems, to arrest the union’s leadership rather than recognize it legally.

 
At roughly 9:20am on November 27, MTU President Kajiman was leaving home to attend a planned protest in front of the Seoul Immigration Office when more than 10 immigration officers who had been hiding confronted him in front of his house.

 
General Secretary Masum also left his house the morning of the 27th in order to attend the protest in front of the Seoul Immigration Office. As he walked down the street, four 4 large men passed by who were laughing amongst themselves. He originally did not pay attention to them; however, immediately after, roughly 10-20 immigration officers and other people came up from behind and surrounded him.

 
At roughly the same time 4 immigration officers in front of the factory where he worked confronted Vice President Raju. When he demanded to see the officers’ identification cards, they presented him with a detention order and arrested him. Within hours, all three men were sent to a detention center in Cheongju, Northern Choongjeong Province, south of the capital Seoul.

 
In response to the arrests the KCTU has issued a petition for the release of the MTU leadership and have charged that the simultaneous arrest of three MTU leaders is a clearly a targeted attack, part of an intensification of the immigration crackdown against undocumented migrants in South Korea since the beginning of August of this year.

 
During this time more than 20 MTU members and officers of the MTU have been arrested. As with previous crackdowns, the authorities have admitted that the numbers of undocumented workers have not significantly decreased. The number of foreign residents in Korea has recently approached 1 million with some 230,000 said to be undocumented.

 
Failed migration policy reform

 
These numbers have swelled in recent years with the expansion of the Employment Permit System (EPS), an increase in the number of transnational marriages, and new laws governing the migration of ethnic Korean Chinese.

 
The EPS, designed to replace the discredited Industrial Trainee System, remains flawed in protecting migrant’s rights and encourages illegality as it has not been configured to factor in the actual costs of migration to individual workers (in the sense of hidden and illegal recruitment and brokerage costs that persist for migrants from particular regions; short, 1-3 year time horizons for employment that leaves both workers and employers with incentives to overstay the contract; and problems associated with the initial implementation of the EPS which ignored the majority of undocumented migrants in Korea by excluding them from access to permits).

 
Thus, a large portion of the increase in the number of undocumented year by year consists of overstayers rather than new migrants. Rather than correcting the system, the government, largely at the behest of the Ministry of Justice and Ministry of Government and Home Affairs, has chosen to pursue crackdowns on the undocumented while recruiting newer workers from overseas.

 
As has been documented by South Korea’s own National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) [1], immigration officials routinely ignore legal procedures for dealing with migrant workers such as arranging prior warrants and disclosing their identification, and the immigration detention centers are often ill-equipped to deal with the large number of migrants they arrest in terms of safety, space, and medical care.

 
This message was brought home this past February when a fire at the Yeosu detention center left nine migrants dead and more injured. The fire exposed the shoddy safety conditions of migrant detention centers and the way in which the migrants who survived were treated (deported with slight compensation and before their injuries had fully healed) shocked many in Korean civil society and the public in general, spurring a further investigation by the NHRC.

 
The be fair, the government has attempted to make progress in terms of programs for transnational brides and children of migrant workers and Koreans as part of its anti-discrimination policies. Civil society groups have even participated in this reform and in designing service delivery. However, a number of grassroots organizations have been critical of the ways in which these services have been designed (such as education around traditional manners for foreign brides rather than education in their legal rights and resources in cases of abuse) and delivered (the creation of separate programs for ‘Kosians’ -- children of Korean and other Asians -- rather than anti-discrimination education in schools and workplaces, etc).

 
Fundamentally, however, anti-discrimination policy will remain stalled unless it can deal with the issues of migration policy design and the procedural violation of migrant’s rights inherent in this unjust crackdown and in the Employment Permit System itself.

 
As the national daily Hankyoreh reported earlier this week, progressive reform to immigration legislation does not seem likely in the near future; in fact, the opposite seems the case:

 
- An even greater problem is that earlier this month the government revised the Immigration Law to allow agents to question foreigners based on suspicion alone, without regard to time and place, further angering migrant workers. It is not that one cannot understand wanting to provide in the law some tools to work with while enforcing it, but it is a problem when the law just gives agents wide-ranging authority and includes no stipulations on procedures.

 
A law governing the national police requires that a police officer present identification and identify himself when stopping someone for questioning. Similarly, at the very least, immigration officials need to be required to prove who they are. It was in 2005 that the National Human Rights Commission officially recommended that immigration be given clear conditions, parameters on authority, and procedures for arresting illegal aliens.

 
This failure of immigration law reform has led, as the MTU and other migrant groups have complained, to a near permanent state of immigration crackdown targeting migrants in their places of work, residence, and in public space.

 
One of the reasons why the MTU has been targeted, perhaps, is that they have been the most vocal in creating an organization led by the people most effected by the crackdown -- the undocumented themselves – and, along with Migrant Worker’s Television and a handful of other grassroots groups, have been the most vocal in representing their plight. Their struggles has been recognized in statements by leading Korean unions and NGOs, as well in their interaction with international organizations including Amnesty International, the UN Special Rapporteur on Migrants, and the International Labour Organization, among others, which have brought attention to the Korean government’s migration policies.

 
However, as has been reported in Znet and elsewhere over the last few years, the MTU and its predecessor, the ETU, have lost the majority of their leadership over the years to targeted crackdowns and government repression.

Reckless inequality

 
If one steps back for a minute, it is easy to see that a lot of the suffering caused immigration law is part of a larger symptom of Korean labour market policies that attempt to create flexible labour markets with little concern for those affected.

 
Since the 1997 crisis, and indeed before, labour law has been used to flexibilize the employment relationship and has contributed to rocketing social inequality that harmful for both politics and the economy, undermining democratic process and making the Korean economy more dependent on exports and financialization to maintain domestic demand.

The ‘participatory government’ of former labour lawyer Roh Moo Hyun has used an incomplete tripartite committee (passing agreements without consent of the largest trade union federation), unpredicted use of damage claims against workers for illegal strikes, and repression of union protests in order to get these reforms past.

 
For what it is worth, the KCTU has attempted to assist workers affected by these policies but has encountered its own difficulties both internally and externally. These contradictions were exposed this summer after the new labour law on irregular work was passed and strikes and sit-ins of a largely female-led force of irregular workers proliferated. In the weeks after the events, the ability of the KCTU to mobilize solidarity did not live up to what was promised and the strikes fizzled and were marginalized.

 
Some attribute the lack of solidarity for grassroots struggles from the KCTU to be a matter of a dominant and nationalist oriented leadership faction that dominates both the KCTU and the Democratic Labour Party, but the reasons are complex and also involve the rise of more bread and butter concerns in some of the dominant sectoral unions of the KCTU whom are affected by neoliberal restructuring, and whose concerns about job security make it difficult to organize across both place and industry.

 
These criticisms aside, the KCTU does remain more mobilized than national confederations in most developed countries even if it remains internally and externally fragmented, and it is important to keep this in mind. Worker’ s protests on November 11 of this year saw pitched battles between police and workers in the downtown streets of Seoul, and extreme government efforts to silence dissent such as roadblocks, water cannon, and brute force. These protests came during the yearly national day of action commemorating the death of labour activist Chun Tae Il, whose suicide during the repressive dictatorship days helped spur the largely female-led democratic trade union movement of the 1970s.

 
On a tragic note, the week before the protests had seen two more worker-suicides in protest of the situation of irregular workers and the new labour law. Lee So-Seon, mother of Chun Tae-il and a heroic activist of her accord, took the opportunity to criticize both the tactic itself – “Don't die any more, instead, live and fight” – and point to the lack of unity between labour and progressive groups, and lack of a progressive media, as contributing factors to the sense of despair among workers.

 
On a brighter note, the KCTU has been able to start to break out of enterprise level confinement and begin the slow process of establishing industrial level unions. Earlier this fall, the Korean metal workers federation announced a collective agreement that included wage negotiations not only for regular unionists but also agreements on wages and working conditions for irregular and migrant workers working in metal industries. Collective agreements have also been signed in medical and financial industries, so progress in political rights at an aggregate level among regular workers is improving but more grassroots activists within the labour movement worry about how the situation of more marginal workers without industrial or enterprise representation can remain a priority if the trade union movement becomes more concerned with sectoral issues than grassroots struggles.

 
Obviously there are no easy answers to these questions, gains in industrial level agreements notwithstanding, the growing majority of workers are irregular workers (recent estimates put this figure at 53% of the labour force) and in a climate of trade liberalization and labour market reform the situation for workers outside of heavy industries and strategic sectors looks difficult. Added to this is the problem of real-estate bubbles caused by financial liberalization and urban redevelopment that dramatically affect the urban poor, as has been evidenced by the struggles of venders and urban residents affected by redevelopment schemes.

 
It may be a bit of a cliché to say that Korean progressive movements find themselves in a crisis because of these developments. Indeed, if one looks back upon the last 30 or 40 years of the Korean labour movement, it is hard to find when a period without crisis has been the norm, but the question of how to improve the situation is not invalidated by this insight. Certainly, a large degree of the current problems can be related back to the inequality that exists between workers, citizens and the more powerful segments of Korean society.

 
More so, efforts by grassroots social movements to change the direction of government policy and corporate power has been further limited by the degree of participation afforded to them even by the ‘participatory government’ of Roh Moo Hyun, and the speed and scope of neoliberal reform embraced by that regime. Even those progressives from the 80s democracy movement who went into the current government have found many of their progressive reform efforts stymied both internally and by the opposition and entrenched economic bureaucracies. Thus, even the president’s more moderate former advisors have lashed out at this ‘turn to the right’. Lee Jeong Woo, former chairman of the Presidential commission of policy planning, criticized the government’s rush to sign the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement in an editorial earlier this past summer in the Hankyoreh:

 
- The ‘‘Participatory Government’’ of Roh Moo-hyun has, over the last four years, worked in its own way to overcome a culture where ‘‘growth is everything’’ and ‘‘the market rules above all,’’ and I praise it for its efforts. The results have been a greater emphasis on harmony between growth, the re-distribution of wealth and the role of the public sector. Now, however, it is saying that it is suddenly going to trash that philosophy and go back to the familiar priorities of growth and the market. Put simply, it has turned to the right, and there ahead lies the cliff. Right now what is right for Korea is a greater turn towards the left. It is the Scandinavian social democratic model that has been judged the best of all the market economy experiments the human race has experienced so far. In public opinion surveys as well, it is the Scandinavian model that Koreans say they like the most. Though of course it would be difficult to move to that model right away, we should be gazing toward Scandinavia to get there. A free trade agreement with the U.S. means we are going to go in the wrong direction.

 
A “politics of solidarity”?

 
The broad liberal-left, however, seems at the current moment more fixated on a potential conservative conquest of political power than it is introspective on how some of this very inequality has permeated its own ranks: either in terms of the pursuit of neoliberal policy by economic reformers without the effective participation of those affected by it (which has served to eliminate much of the difference between liberals and conservatives on directions in economic policy, at least regarding labour if not trade and investment), or through neglect by more powerful and dominant actors in the political parties and union federations of grassroots struggles, often in favor of a political pre-occupation with the ‘national interest’ (in terms of ending the cold war division system) that has seen the bargaining away of much of the progressive content of the left-liberal platform and calls for progressives to unite around candidates whom seem set to pursue further neoliberal reform but have a pro-engagement stance toward the North.

 
Only a few on the progressive left have publicly stated that in a vibrant economic and political democracy (that could create more viable dimension to any post-division political configuration) there needs to be more to progressive politics than furthering of neoliberal reform and the politics of growth. To this end, many hope, that whatever the results of the upcoming presidential election, a ‘politics of solidarity’ prevails on the left which puts the problem of marginalized political groups on the agenda, and includes genuine participation as a tool for achieving this – something which is going to require a genuine transformation of tendencies on the current liberal-left.

 
No doubt there is room for greater coordination at multiple levels between progressive forces interested in these sorts of political and economic issues, be they migrant and irregular workers’ rights or trade and financial liberalization. One place to start may be with the case with the leadership of the Migrant Trade Union currently being held in detention. Seeing as their case represents an important component of any politics of solidarity that involves the configuration of politics within and beyond national borders, it seems an appropriate place to start, perhaps both for Korean social movements and their international allies.

http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=14417

The same article has been published in interlocals.net (HK):
☞ Reckless Inequality

More INT'L SOLIDARITY:

☞ S.K.: MTU Leadership Arrested (This Tuesday, 11.28)

☞ End SK gov't crackdown on MTU (OTHERWISE, 11.28)

☞ S.K. Migrants' Trade Union Leadership Arrested (KEIN.ORG, 11.28)

☞ Korea: Represje wobec związku imigrantów (CIA/Poland, 11.29)

☞ Korea: Stop Gov't Crack-Down on MTU! (Asian Food Worker, 11.30)

☞ Funktionäre der MTU verhaftet (LabourNet, Germany)

☞ Full list of Solidarity Statements (MTU)

☞ Crackdown of Migrant Organizers in S. Korea (IMC, int'l)