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2/9 The Migrant Workers' Struggle in South Korea and International Solidarity

2/9: The Migrant Workers’ Struggle in South Korea and International Solidarity
Released 10 February 2008  By Wol-san Liem - International Solidarity Coordinator, Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade Union

The Migrant Workers’ Struggle in South Korea and International Solidarity

Wol-san Liem
International Solidarity Coordinator, Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade Union

February 9, 2008

1. Introduction
As the issue of immigration has come to center stage in policy debate in the United States over the last several years, grassroots organizations, NGOs and labor unions have put forth strong calls for increased rights form immigrants, pathways to citizenship and an end to raids and deportations. While organizing, public education and lobbying efforts have been lively, however, as with many movements in the U.S., discussion of the issue’s international dimension has been relatively lacking. In fact, the issues of immigration policy reform and undocumented immigrants/migrants are central to countries across Europe and Asia. At the same time struggles against raids and deportations and for immigrant/migrant workers’ labor and human rights are growing in many of these countries. Of these, the struggle in South Korea is significant for the central role played by undocumented migrant workers organizing as part of the labor movement.

The purpose of this article is to introduce the U.S. immigrant rights movement to the migrant workers movement in South Korea. It focuses on the development and current work of the Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade Union, a union build by and for migrant workers regardless of visa status, whose entire leadership is made up of undocumented migrant workers. It also covers the heavy government repression against MTU and ends with a call for solidarity actions in timing with the commemoration of a tragic detention center fire in February of last year and, more widely, greater international solidarity in the immigrant/migrant workers movement worldwide.

II. Background
There are currently roughly 400,000 migrant workers living in South Korea who work in a number of industries, in particular manufacturing and construction, and in services such as restaurants and entertainment. While their numbers may seem small compare to those in the United States, it must be remembered that the history of the current labor migration to South Korea is only twenty-years old, and the country has traditionally implemented strict policies concerning inward migration and long term settlement. In addition, the numbers are steadily rising and migrant workers have become centrally important to the South Korean economy, particularly in specific industries. Migrant workers come from nearly 100 countries including China (Chinese and Chinese of Korean origin), Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Bangladesh, Nepal, and West African countries. While conditions, of course, vary depending on industry, country of origin, gender and visa status, migrant works in general face low wages, poor working conditions, ill-treatment at the hands of employers and racism and discrimination from society at large.

Migrant workers first began coming to South Korea in the 1980s, when small and middle-sized manufacturing, construction and other companies began to experience severe labor shortages. Migrant workers, most of whom entered South Korea on tourist or other short-term visas, began to fill this need for additional manpower. Because of the economic necessity, the South Korean government condoned and even encouraged the influx of migrant workers through relaxation of immigration procedures after the 1988 Olympics even before drawing up a formal policy to regulate migrant labor. Eventually, the government developed and implemented the Industrial Trainee System, which brought migrants to South Korea as ‘trainees’ as a way to skirt labor laws concerning wages and work conditions, in order to provide cheap and regulated migrant labor to companies experiencing shortages. This system was severely critiqued by civil society for causing vast abuses of human and labor rights and leading to an increase of undocumented migrants. Negative public opinion forced a change in the system. As such, the government implemented the Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2003, claiming it would protect migrant workers’ rights. This is, however, far from the truth.

III. Employer Permit System
The EPS is currently the main system governing migrant labor in South Korea. While unlike the Trainee System, it does legally acknowledges migrant workers as 'workers', it is in fact designed to preserve the benefits business owners received from the previous system by creating a labor force that is cheap and exploitable.

Under the EPS, migrant workers are prohibited from changing their workplaces at will. If a migrant worker wants to change to another job, he/she must obtain consent from his/her employer and apply to the Ministry of Labor. This process is very difficult for many workers, especially because employers are sometimes unwilling to release their employees. What is more, migrant workers are only allowed to change workplaces three times, except in exceptional circumstances. As such, many migrant workers are stuck at companies where they face unsafe working conditions, low or unpaid wages and inhumane treatment. Female migrant workers are often effectively trapped with employers who sexually harass or abuse them. In addition, because migrant workers are required to renew their contracts each year of the three-year period of the three-year residence period allowed them, they become completely subordinated to the will of their employers, making the exercise of labor rights completely impossible. Finally the sort term 3-year residence period is often not long enough to make enough money to pay off debts incurred during migration and save money to support families back home. The EPS system has, as such, also received strong criticism from human rights, social movement and labor organizations in South Korea and the attention of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants.

IV. Undocumented Migrant Workers and the Current Crackdown
There are over 200,000 undocumented migrant workers in South Korea, more than half of the total population of migrant workers. Many migrant workers have become undocumented by overstaying their visas. This is often inevitable because low-wages make it impossible for migrant workers to save enough money to pay off debts or support their families. Migrant workers may also become undocumented because they are forced to flee difficult conditions at their legally registered workplaces. It is clear that in addition to being an effect of war and neoliberal globalization, which have created situations of unemployment and poverty in migrant-sending countries and vast inequality between nations, the high percent of undocumented migrant workers in South Korea is a direct result of the government misguided policy governing the migrant labor force.

While acknowledging undocumented migrants as a serious social problem, the government has made no effort to find a root-level solution. Instead it has, since 2003, carried out a brutal policy of crackdown and deportation against undocumented migrant workers. This, however, has done nothing to reduce their numbers, which continued to increase after the EPS was implemented. Most recently, a mass joint crackdown (carried out by the Ministry of Labor, the Immigration Authorities and the police) was carried out from August to December in 2007 during which thousands were arrested. What is more, the crackdown, which, like raids in the U.S., is carried out using brutal and results in the imprisonment of migrants in detention center that are no better than prisons, has been the result of 100s of deaths and injuries. The most tragic of this was a fire that broke out at Yeosu Foreigners’ Detention Center on February 11, 2007 killing 10 migrant workers and wounding dozens of others. This event received international attention and also became a catalyst for more unified work between migrant organizations.

The truth is the South Korean economy, like the U.S. economy, needs the labor of undocumented migrant workers, and the government is well aware of this. The recent intense crackdown should, then, not be seen as an effort to solve the undocumented migrant problem in entirety, but instead to reduce the number of undocumented migrants (at 230,000 before August 2007), to the level of estimated need. The crackdown is also clearly a fear tactic used to keep documented migrant workers from leaving their assigned workplaces.

4. Migrant Worker Organizing and the Migrants’ Trade Union
Migrant workers have not been passive in the face of the oppression they face in South Korea, and it is in their resistance that MTU’s history is found. Since soon after they began arriving, migrant workers have come together in communities and formed community organizations in order to aid each other in confronting the difficulties they face. After several years of organizing in this fashion and working in alliance with Korean organizations, migrant workers came together with Korean activists to discuss the formation of a union, the result of which was the founding of the Migrants’ Branch of the Equality Trade Union (ETUMB) in 2002. The activities of ETUMB culminated in a sit-in protest at the Myeongdong Cathedral, a historic site of the South Korean democracy and labor movement, calling for an end to the crackdown and deportations and critiquing the EPS. The sit-in began in November of 2003 and continued for 380 days. In the course of this struggle, migrant worker activist came to believe in the importance of forming an independent union by and for migrant workers themselves. As such, these activists came together with migrant community organizations to form the Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade Union on 24 April 2005. MTU is the first independent labor union in which all officers, beginning with the president, are migrant workers.

5. Labor Repression
Since its establishment MTU has faced continuous repression from the South Korea government. MTU’s notification of union establishment was rejected by the Ministry of Labor on the basis that its leadership was made up of undocumented migrant workers without the same legally protected labor rights as Korean workers. The Ministry of Labor’s rejection initially upheld in a district court, but then overturned by the Seoul Supreme Court on 1 February 2007, which ruled that the right of migrant workers to freedom of association is protected under the South Korean Constitution, regardless of their visa status. Refusing to give up, the Ministry of Justice has appealed this decision to the Supreme Court, where a final ruling is still pending.
In addition to this legal process, the South Korean government has also carried out a targeted crackdown against MTU’s leadership in an attempt to stop the union’s activities. MTU’s first president was arrested in a targeted crackdown, soon after the union’s founding and held in a detention center for nearly a year before he was finally released for medical reasons. During the joint crackdown at the end of last year, dozens of MTU leaders were also arrested and deported.

The government’s attack culminated with the arrest of MTU’s President, Vice President and General Secretary on 27 November 2007 all at roughly the same time in the morning at three different places in Seoul. In each case, several immigration officers lay in waiting in front of the man’s house or workplace in what was clearly a pre-planned effort. The three men were detained in Cheongju Detention Center, two and a half hours outside of Seoul. Despite massive protest from MTU, supporters and the international labor and human rights communities, the men were taken secretly from their cells in the middle of the night, taken out a hole in the fence at the back of the detention center to avoid supporters who were guarding the front gate and then deported early in the morning of December 13th.

6. Fighting Back
After the arrest of the three leaders MTU and supporters from the labor movement and civil society began an ardent campaign to win their release, end the repression against migrant organizing and stop the crackdown and deportation of undocumented migrant workers. This campaign has continued despite the three men’s deportation on December 13. It is February now, two months after the MTU leadership was first arrested and nearing the one year anniversary of the tragic fire at Yeosu Detention Center. As we go into a period of memorial for those who passed away, MTU also seeks to raise awareness of the repression against migrant workers and migrant workers’ organizing in South Korea. We are preparing a series of press conference, panels and rallies beginning on February 11 culminating in a nation-wide protest on February 24th. We are asking organizations in working for immigrants/migrants’ rights in other countries to give this period international significance by organizing solidarity actions in front of South Korean embassies and other significant sites.

7. Conclusion
While it is clear that the situation of migrant workers in South Korea is particular to the country’s history, legal system and society, it should also be clear that there are many parallels between the struggles of migrants here and those of migrant/immigrants in the United States and indeed all around the world. The phenomenon of migration cannot be separated from the process of globalization in which we are all engulfed. Like in most other countries, the response to this reality in South Korea is one of policing borders, illegalizing people and exploiting them as a cheap labor force. The tragic fire in Yeosu and the repression against migrant workers’ organizing, then, should not be seen as merely South Korean problems. Rather, they are representative of the human rights and labor rights abuses against migrant workers everywhere. The struggle to win protection of these rights is a global struggle, to which international solidarity- collective sharing of information, strategizing and action- must become a greater part.

 

from http://www.immigrantsolidarity.org/

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

the left 1848-2000 미완의 기획, 유럽 좌파의 역사


 

 

원제 : Forging Democracy

저자 Geof Eley, 역자 유강은

장장 천페이지에 달하는 책이다. 어제 교보 가서 직접 봤더니 너무 두꺼워서

베개로도 못쓰겠더군. ㅎ

운 좋게 영어 원문파일을 구했다. 조금 읽었는데 사실 죽을 때까지 읽을 수 있을지

의문스럽지만 느릿느릿 읽고있다. 그리고 오늘 최근 출판된 번역본을 주문했다.

이번 주말까지 서장, 1,2,3장을 읽고 다음주 월요일에 있을 강유원씨

강의를 들으러 갈 생각이다.

유럽 좌파의 역사라니, 생각만 해도 벅차오르는구나..

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

이주노동자노동조합 연대의 밤

3월 15일은 이주노동자에게 힘주고 밀어주고 받쳐주고 으쌰으쌰 하는 날!

(여기,, 나 있다.ㅋ 니**랑 제*도 있고나..ㅎ 또 고향으로 돌아간 꼬*씨도 있구나..ㅡㅜ )

부디 많은 이들이 찾고 힘 듬뿍 주었으면 한다.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Adios, Castro

Adios, Castro: Fidel is a relic of a vanished age and fossilised revolution

By Rupert Cornwell
Wednesday, 20 February 2008

 

Just a few more months and it would have been 10. Fidel Castro had already seen off nine US presidents, and had he hung on until 20 January 2009, George Bush would have joined them.

 

Undoubtedly Mr Castro would have liked nothing better, but physical frailty, it seems, has had the last word. But, as long as he lives, his shadow will fall over whoever succeeds him. And as long as Mr Castro draws breath, he will be a reminder of how little has changed in this corner of the world since Dwight Eisenhower – the 34th president and first on the Castro contemporaries list – bequeathed to his successor, John Kennedy, a secret plan to invade Cuba that resulted in the 1961 fiasco of the Bay of Pigs.

 

In his declining years Mr Castro has become, for better or worse, a listed global monument, a relic of the vanished age of Kennedy, Khrushchev and superpower brinkmanship, and of national liberation wars led by revolutionaries in dusty military fatigues. Nearly half a century on he is still wearing the fatigues, even though the revolution had fossilised into a regime sustained primarily by the economic siege imposed by Cuba's giant neighbour to the north.

 

In power since 1959, he has been the world's longest-serving ruler (although King Bhumibol Adulyade of Thailand, the head of state but not of government, has been around since 1946). The defining reality of the Castro era has been the regime's relations with the US, under leaders from Eisenhower to George Bush Jnr.

 

In fact, Mr Castro's first contact with an occupant of the White House was cordial enough, a letter the 13-year-old schoolboy sent to Franklin Roosevelt in 1940, asking for a $10 bill. "Never, I have not seen a ten dollars bill green American and I would like to have one of them," he wrote, signing off as "Your friend". In reply, Mr Castro received a pro-forma letter, but sadly no money – and for his ties with the US it was downhill all the way thereafter. Two decades later, his guerrilla army toppled the pro-US dictator Fulgencio Batista, and Cuba's undeclared war with Washington began.

 

Successive US administrations kept up the pressure, with the exception of Jimmy Carter. But that brief thaw ended with the Mariel boat lift of 1980, as Mr Castro encouraged a mass exodus by sea of 120,000 Cubans to the US (including many hardened criminals and people who were mentally ill) to cope with a domestic political crisis. Relations returned to a chill that not even the demise of the Soviet Union could lift. Under George Bush Jnr, who has further tightened travel and financial restrictions against the island, the climate has become frostier still.

 

The confrontation, however, leaves most rational outsiders baffled. What is it about Cuba, they wonder, that makes otherwise sane American leaders lose their own sense of reason?

 

After all, a country of 11 million people, with a GDP of $45bn dollars – equal to 0.3 per cent of that of the US – offers not the slightest conceivable security threat. To be sure, dilapidated Cuba is no benign socialist paradise. Thousands of opponents were executed in the early years of the revolution. Today, Mr Castro's regime holds large numbers of political prisoners, suppresses freedom of expression and otherwise tramples on human rights. But is it that much worse than other countries, from the Middle East to China, which Washington counts as allies? Yet Cuba alone is treated as a special enemy, a source of potential Communist contagion that endangers the hemisphere.

 

By one (admittedly sympathetic) calculation, Mr Castro has survived 638 assassination attempts by the CIA, by such devices as exploding cigars, poisoned food and an infected diving suit. Every year a farcical vote takes place in the United Nations General Assembly in which it declares its opposition to America's economic blockade of Cuba. The 2007 edition took place last October, when the resolution was upheld by 184 to four. Those voting against were the US, Israel, Palau, and the Marshall Islands. Oh yes, Micronesia abstained.

 

By any measure, the US embargo has been utterly counterproductive. Not only has it failed to hasten the demise of Mr Castro and the return of democracy. Most dispassionate observers believe the blockade has positively hindered those two goals, by hardening the sympathies of a strongly nationalistic people, and permitting Mr Castro to present himself as a victim of Yanqui imperialism. Quite possibly nothing would do more to undermine the regime than the lifting of all US sanctions.

 

There are other, wider consequences for the US, and no less adverse. Washington's bullying of Cuba has soured ties with many Latin American countries. It has also fuelled the growth of an anti-US bloc on the continent, spearheaded by Hugo Chavez, President of Venezuela, taunter of Washington and Mr Castro's most devoted foreign friend.

 

So will US policy now change? There is little immediate sign. Hopes were briefly raised when the Democrats regained control of Congress at the 2006 midterm elections, but those advocating a more liberal approach were disappointed. As for the Bush administration, it repeats the litany of the last quarter century: nothing will change until Cuba itself changes. The embargo, John Negroponte, the deputy Secretary of State, said yesterday, would not be lifted "anytime soon".

 

But President Bush, as noted, will not be around much longer, and among those vying to succeed him some intriguing policy differences have emerged. The standard wisdom has been that no candidate will stick his or her neck out over Cuba, for fear of upsetting Cuban-American voters, fiercely anti-Castro and concentrated in important states such as New Jersey and above all Florida, decisive in the 2000 presidential election.

 

But the political equation may be shifting. For one thing, the Cuban-American vote is less monolithic than before. For another, only the blind cannot see the absurdity of existing American policy. In a campaign where the lone superpower's attitude to countries it dislikes – most obviously, of course, Iran – is already being hotly debated, Cuba could yet feature large.

Predictably John McCain, the all-but-certain Republican nominee, is most resistant to a new departure. Mr Castro's resignation, he declared yesterday, was "an opportunity for Cuba" – in other words, only when Cuba has transformed itself should the US transform its policies.

 

Hillary Clinton adopted a similar, though more guarded, approach. But her rival, Barack Obama, is already on record in support of an easing of restrictions on travel and financial remittances to Cuba, insisting that the time for re-assessment has come. And maybe Mr Castro knows something the rest of us don't. As long ago as last August, he predicted that a Clinton-Obama ticket would be "apparently unbeatable".

 

 

I wish to fight on as a soldier of ideas

 

Dear compatriots,

 

I promised you on 15 February that in my next reflections I would touch on a subject of interest for many compatriots. This time that reflection takes the form of a message...

 

I held the honourable position of President for many years... I always exercised the necessary prerogatives to carry forward our revolutionary work with the support of the vast majority of the people.

 

Knowing about my critical state of health, many people overseas thought that my provisional resignation from the post of President of the Council of State on 31 July 2006, leaving it in the hands of the First Vice-President, Raul Castro, was definitive. Raul... and my other comrades in the party leadership and the state, were reluctant to think of me removed from my posts despite my precarious state of health...

 

Preparing the people for my psychological and political absence was my primary obligation... I never ceased to say we were dealing with a recuperation that was "not free from risk". My desire was always to carry out my duties until my final breath...

To my close compatriots... I tell you that I will not aspire to or accept... the post of President of the Council of State and commander-in-chief.

 

The path will always be difficult and will require the intelligent strength of all of us... "Be as prudent in success as you stand firm in adversity" is a principle that must not be forgotten. The adversary we must defeat is extremely strong, but we have kept him at bay for half a century.

 

I do not bid you farewell. My only wish is to fight as a soldier of ideas. I will continue to write under the title "Reflections of Comrade Fidel". It will be another weapon in the arsenal on which you will be able to count. Perhaps my voice will be heard. I will be careful.

 

=================================================================

 

위 기사는 가 카스트로의 퇴임을 맞아 그에게 고하는 작별인사.

아래는 그의 서신.

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

단결, 저항하라! 한국의 비정규직, 이주노동자(seoulidarity video)

A video introducing two current labor movements happening in South Korea. The crackdown against migrants and the exploitation of irregular workers, as well as their organizing for justice. (단결, 저항하라!-한국의 비정규직&이주노동자 이야기. 한국사회 가장 낮은 곳에서 탄압받는 비정규직과 이주노동자, 그들의 투쟁이 시작된다!)

STOP CRACKDOWN!

http://www.seoulidarity.net 

http://www.mwtv.or.kr/blog/english

http://twokoreas.blogspot.com

 

이 비디오는 1.26 세계사회포럼에 맞춰 서울리데리티에서 제작하였습니다.

많은 사람들이 보고 퍼져나가길 바랍니다.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

한국의 군사주의와 저항(seoulidarity video)

South Korea has the most citizens imprisoned for conscientious objection to military service than any other nation in the world. Nearly 1000 today. Every year, men face the brutal choice to follow their conscience or face social ostracism and imprisonment. A history of Japanese imperialism, a civil war sparked by the United States and Soviet jousting. Three decades of military dictatorship. Pervasive United States military presence. Violent destruction of farming villages for the expansion of U.S. bases. A National Security Act that restricts freedom of speech and opposition to military duty. Korea has recently begun to openly face its own contradictions of "democracy" and a deeply ingrained militarization. seoulidarity.net

 

이 비디오는 1.26 세계사회포럼에 맞춰 서울리데리티에서 제작하였습니다.

많은 사람들이 보고 퍼져나가길 바랍니다.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크