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미국의 일자리 감소율

 

- 3월 실업률이 8.5%로 나왔군요.

- 그래프 설명은 아래 포스팅을 참조하세요.

- 크게 보기 위해서는 그림을 클릭!!

 

 

Percent Job Losses During Recessions

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

오늘 미 증권시장에서는

모건 스탠리가 30% 이상 하락하고 있다.

 

골드만 삭스도 많이 내리고 있다.

 

두 회사는 마지막 남은 전(?) 투자은행인데 각각 2위, 1위를 차지했던 회사다.

 

일부에서는 이들 회사의 은행으로의 전환을 '화장만 바꾼' 것이라 평했는데,

 

역시 이들 회사가 가지고 있던 위험자산들이 의문이 될 수 밖에 없는 상황이라 하겠다.

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

미국경제위기 어떤 상태인가?

참세상에 실린 글이다.

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지난 3월 미국 제 5위 투자은행 베어스턴스가 몰락할 무렵 신용경색과 경제위기 공포가 최고조에 달했다가, 미 연방준비위원회의(연준) 지원 아래 제이피모건체이스 은행이 베어스턴스를 인수하고 금융시장이 어느 정도 안정을 되찾았었다. 그래서 대공황 전문가로서 미 연준 의장을 맡고 있는 벤 버냉키는 6월에 "미국 경제의 실질적인 하강 위험이 줄어들었다"고 언급하였고, 앨런 그린스펀 전 연준 의장은 "신용위기 최악의 상황은 이미 끝났거나 곧 끝날 것"이라 했다.

 

그러던 것이 채 한 달이 지나지 않아, 민영화되었으나 정부가 일정하게 지원하는, 합해서 모기지 시장의 반 정도를 점유하는 거대 주택금융(모기지) 업체인 패니메이(Fannie Mae)와 프레디맥(Freddie Mac)의 부실 소식으로 다시 금융시장이 요동을 쳤다. 미 정부는 재무부로 하여금 양 기관에 대한 신용공여한도를 각각 22.5억 달러씩 향후 18개월 동안 증액하고 필요할 경우 양 기관으로 대표되는 정부지원 모기지업체 발행 주식을 매입할 수 있는 권한을 재무부에 부여하는 법안을 제출하여 의회의 승인을 얻었다(그린스펀은 최근 양 기관의 국유화를 주장하였고, 벤 버냉키도 최후의 카드로 이를 고려하고 있는 것으로 알려졌다). 시장은 다시 어느 정도 안정을 되찾았다.


이렇게 금융시장이 위기감에 휩싸이고 뒤이어 중앙은행의 금리인하 및 유동성 공급과 정부의 경기진작책 및 공적자금 투입 발표가 있으면서 시장이 상대적인 안정을 되찾는 식의 교대가 2007년 중반 비우량(서브프라임) 주택담보대출 사태가 발발한 이후 1년간 계속되고 있다. 올해 들어서는 미국경제의 이런 불안한 행보에 유가 변수까지 가세하게 되었다.

 

그러면 미국경제는 현재 어떤 상태에 있는가?
최근 발표된 속보치(나중에 수정될 수 있다)에 따르면 미국경제는 2/4분기에 연율로 환산하여 1.9% 성장한 것으로 나타났다. 9.2% 증가한 상품 및 서비스 수출(1/4분기에는 5.1% 증가하였다)과 6.7% 증가한 정부지출(1/4분기에는 5.8% 증가하였다)이 이 정도의 성과를 내는 데 상당한 기여를 하였다. 그리고 국내총생산의 약 70%를 차지하는 소비도 1.5% 증가하여(1/4분기에는 0.9% 증가하였다) 경제성장률이 더 악화하지 않는 데 기여하였다. 경기침체를 막기 위해 미 정부가 4월부터 1,680억 불에 이르는 소득세를 환급해 주었고 이것이 소비지출을 어느 정도 늘리는 데 기여하였을 것이다.

 

그러나 금융시장 주변에서는 2.3% 정도의 성장률을 예측하였는데 이에는 약간 미치지 못한 것이다. 그리고 1.0%로 발표되었던 1/4분기 경제성장률은 0.9%로 수정되었고, 0.6%로 발표되었던 2007년 4/4분기 성장률은 -0.2%로 수정되어 발표되었다. 대체로 2분기 이상 마이너스 성장을 하는 경우로 정의되는 경기침체가 시작되었는지 아닌지, 시작되었다면 언제 시작되었는지에 대해 그동안 논란이 있었는데 논자에 따라서는 미국의 경기침체의 시작시점을 2007년 4/4분기로 이야기할 수 있게 된 상황이다.

 

그리고 최근 발표한 고용통계를 보면 7월 실업률은 4년 만에 최고치인 5.7%를 기록하였고, 고용규모는 7개월 연속 감소하였다. 4월까지만 해도 실업률은 5%였는데 그 사이 무려 0.7%포인트가 증가한 것이고 6월 실업률 5.5%보다 0.2%포인트가 상승한 것이다.

 

그렇다 하더라도 아직은 경착륙이나 공황을 이야기할 상황은 아닌 것으로 보인다. 불안불안하게 금융위기 상황을 헤쳐 나오고 있는 중이다. 그러면 미국경제는 앞으로도 약간의 어려움은 있겠지만 최악의 상황은 피할 수 있을 것인가? 그것은 우선 주택가격 하락이 얼마나 더, 언제까지 하락할 것인가에 달려 있어 보인다.

 

서브프라임 모기지 사태로 불거진 미국경제의 위기적 양상은 서브프라임 모기지 대출 부실에서 시작하였다. 신용이 썩 좋지 않은 사람들이 모기지 은행에서 주택 자금 대출을 받아 주택을 샀는데(사실 이런 연유로 주택가격이 계속 오르고 주택부문의 성장도 과도하게 진행되었다. 즉 주택시장에 커다란 거품이 형성된 것이다), 이자부담이 늘고 소득이 감소하자 이들 중에 그 원리금을 제 때에 상환하지 못한 주택구매자들이 많아졌다.(이자부담이 왜 늘어났는가? 2000년대 초반 정보기술부분에서의 거품붕괴를 막기 위해 대폭 낮아진 기준금리는 2004년부터 오르기 시작했고, 많은 모기지들이 초기 2-3년은 낮은 이자율, 이후 7-8년은 높은 이자율을 지불하는데 2000년대 초중반 급격히 늘어난 서브 프라임 모기지들은 2000년대 중후반부터 높은 금리를 지불해야 했다. 소득은 왜 감소하였는가? 자동차 공업 부진 등으로 이들 지역의 실업이 늘어났고 당연히 소득이 감소하였다.)

 

모기지 은행에서 다른 금융기관으로 넘겨진 주택대출자산을 근거로 하여 채권(MBS, ABS)과 이보다 더 복잡한 채권들(CDO)이 발행되었는데(주택대출자산의 유동화) 이들의 가격이 하락하고, 이런 채권들을 보유한 각종 금융기관들(투자은행, 헤지펀드, 상업은행 등)이 부실해졌다. 물론 원리금을 못 갚은 주택소유자들의 주택은 값싸게 처분되고 주택가격은 하락하였다.

 

사실 주택가격이 오르고 있을 때에는, 원리금을 갚지 못할 사람들이 오른 주택가격에 기초해 다시 대출을 받아 문제를 연기할 수도 있었고 받은 현금을 다른 용도로도 사용할 수 있었는데, 일단 주택가격이 내리기 시작하면 이것이 불가능하게 되고 하락한 주택가격은 대출금에 미달해 주택을 팔아 이 문제를 해결할 수도 없게 되어, 연체율은 더욱 높아지게 되고 결국 주택은 금융기관으로 넘어가 처분된다. 즉 연체는 주택가격 하락의 원인이기도 하지만 주택가격 하락으로 인해 연체가 늘어나기도 한다.

 

이런 상황에서 주택건설 축소 및 해당부문에서의 생산 및 소득의 감소, 금융기관의 부실 및 해당부분의 손실 확대, 신용경색으로 인한 금리상승과 이로 인한 소비 및 투자 축소나 주식시장의 부진, 그리고 이로 인한 소비 축소가 일어나게 된 것이다. 여기서 주택가격 하락은 현재의 위기의 크기나 깊이의 척도가 된다.

 

주택가격은 이전 최고치에서 30% 내외의 하락이 있을 것이라는 게 관련 전문가들의 대체적인 관측이다. 대도시 20개 지역의 주택가격을 재는 케이스쉴러지수(S&P/Case Shiller Home Price Indices)로는 지난 5월까지 최고치 대비 20% 약간 못 미치는 주택가격 하락이 있었다. 금융시장이 약간 안정을 찾은 시기여서인지 몰라도 5월의 주택가격 하락은 전월 대비 0.9%가 하락하여 약 2%가 하락했던 3월, 4월에 비하면 약간 둔화되긴 했지만, 여전히 앞으로도 10% 이상 주택가격이 하락할 것이다. 그리고 그 하락은 2009년까지 계속될 것이라 한다.

 

이렇게 될 경우 보유자산의 상각을 계속 해나가고 있고, 딱히 영업상황도 개선될 기미가 없는 메릴린치나 리먼브라더스같은 미국 3, 4위 투자은행의 경우 베어스턴스의 길을 뒤따르지 말란 법이 없어 보인다. 그리고 상업은행 4위 와코비아나 심지어는 자산규모 기준 1위 씨티은행의 안전한 운행도 장담할 수 없다. 이것은 이번 금융위기의 규모나 파장을 가장 정확히 예측하고 있어 이름을 드높인 뉴욕대학의 루비니 교수의 진단이다. 한 발 더 나아가 루비니 교수는 8,500개 대소규모의 은행 중 8% 정도가 파산할 것으로 예측하고 있다. 이렇게 된다면 파산한 은행 예금 중 개인당 1억 한도 안에서는 보장을 해 주어야 할 책임이 있는 연방예금보험공사(FDIC)에 정부의 공적자금이 투입이 되어야 할 것이다. 그리고 앞에서 이야기한 패니메이나 프레디맥의 재국유화 가능성도 있고, 쓰러진 거대은행들에도 직간접적으로 공적자금이 투입될 것이어서 미 정부의 부담은 크게 늘어날 것이다(‘부실의 사회화’).

 

미국경제가 직면하고 있는 문제는 주택시장 거품문제만은 아니다. 지금껏 지속적으로 구조조정을 해 오고 있던 3대 미 자동차업체(지엠, 포드, 크라이슬러)는 또다시 고유가의 직격탄을 맞고 빈사상태에 놓여 있다. 고유가는 자동차 업계 전체를 위기에 몰아넣고 있는데 이들 업체는 픽업트럭, SUV, 대형차 등 고유가에 특히 취약한 차들을 생산해 와 그 타격이 특별히 크다. 미국자본주의가 세계헤게모니로 등장한 데는 자동차산업의 발전이 결정적인 역할을 하였는데 이들 업체들의 부진은 매우 상징적이라 하겠다.

 

미국경제의 앞날에 또 다른 변수는 미국을 제외한 세계 다른 국가나 지역의 경제라 하지 않을 수 없다. 미국경제와 여타 경제는 상호 밀접한 영향을 주고받고 있기 때문이다. 지표에 따르면 유럽연합, 일본, 영국 등 거대경제권의 성장이 매우 미약하다. 몇몇 나라는 경기침체에 들어갈 가능성도 농후하다. 영국, 스페인, 포르투갈의 주택시장 거품도 붕괴하고 있다. 뉴질랜드는 2008년 1분기에 마이너스 성장을 하였고 2분기도 마이너스 성장을 할 것으로 예측이 되고 있어 경기침체에 들어섰을 것이라는 관측이다. 호주, 남아공 경제상황도 좋지 않다. 중국, 베트남, 인도는 주가가 폭락하고 있으며, 베트남, 인도, 필리핀 등은 대외 불안 요소를 가지고 있다. 즉 세계 다른 많은 지역이나 국가의 경제도 거품붕괴나 부진한 성장, 혹은 대외 경제 불안 요소를 안고 있다. 최근 미국경제의 성장을 그나마 지탱해 준 수출도 부진해질 가능성이 높다. 또한 사태가 장기화한다면 이들 지역이나 국가들의 미국 내 투자자산에 대한 환수 가능성도 없지 않다.

 

2009년 혹은 2010년까지 계속될 것이라는 미국의 금융위기의 양상은 거대금융기관의 부실, 거대 자동차업체나 항공업체의 부실, 세계 여타지역의 경제위기나 개도국의 외환위기 등으로 인해 앞으로도 위기와 상대적 안정이 교차되는 싸이클을 지속할 것이다. 이런 와중에 기존 제도들이 위기의 부담을 감당해내지 못하고 무너져 위기가 경제 전반으로 확산되는 시스템 리스크를 경험할 수도 있어 보인다. 이는 당연히 구조적 위기 내지 심각한 공황으로 이어질 것이다.

 

설사 공황까지는 가지 않을지라도 대규모 공적자금 투입을 통한 부실의 사회화와 이로 인한 재정적자 심화 등으로 미국경제는 최소한 지지부진한 모습을 보일 것이다. 어떤 양상이든 임금억제, 실업률 및 비정규-단시간 노동의 증가, 물가인상 등으로 노동자 민중의 생존권과 노동권은 심각히 훼손될 것이다.

 

이윤율 추이를 통해 본 미국경제 위기
이윤율 추이를 소묘해 보면서 이야기를 마무리하자. 이윤율 대용으로 비금융법인자본 수익률(이윤과 이자 등의 자본소득 ÷ 생산 자산[=고정자산+재고자산])을 이용하자.

 


미국경제의 이윤율은 65년까지 상승을 하다가 1982년까지 하락하는 추세를 보이고 있다. 물론 그 사이 작은 등락들이 있는데 새로운 정점들은 그 이전 정점들에 비해 더 낮고 새로운 저점들은 그 이전 저점들에 비해 더 낮다. 그리고 1997년까지 이윤율은 완만한 기울기로 다시 상승하다가 97년 이후 2007년까지는 이윤율이 다시 하락하는 추세를 보이고 있다. 82년부터 97년까지 작은 등락들의 정점들은 계속해서 높아지고 있고 97년 이후의 새로운 정점인 2004년의 정점은 97년보다는 낮다.

 

한편 82년 이후 가장 높은 이윤율을 보이고 있는 97년의 이윤율도 65년의 이윤율에 비하면 70% 정도에 불과하다. 윤소영(『이윤율의 경제학과 신자유주의 비판』, 2002)에 따르면 미국경제는 69-70년 순환적 위기, 73-75년 구조적 위기, 80년 순환적 위기, 81-82년 구조적 위기, 90-91년 순환적 위기를 경험한다. 구조적 위기란 이윤율 추세선이 하락하는 가운데 이윤율이 급격히 하락할 때 발생하는데 이는 공황으로 연결된다.

 

널리 알려진 대로 미국자본주의는 70년대 중반 징후적 위기가 발생한다. 이를 계기로 하여 미국자본주의는 성장기에서 불황기로 진입한다. 그러나 80년대 이후 신자유주의 금융세계화의 이익을 향유하면서 5-60년대 황금기에는 현저히 미달하지만 일정한 호황을 구가한다. 90-91년 순환적 위기를 한차례 겪었을 뿐 97년까지 이윤율이 추세적으로 상승한다. 이윤율이 상승을 할 수 있었던 것은 제국주의 그룹들 중 최정점에 위치하면서 신자유주의 금융세계화의 편익의 대부분을 영유할 수 있었기 때문인 것으로 보인다. 그 결과 국내 노동자의 노동권과 개도국의 발전의 권리가 희생되었다. 97년 이후 이윤율은 다시 하락 추세를 보이고 있는데 미국자본의 해외부문으로부터의 수익률은 아직도 증가하거나 유지되고 있는 반면에 국내에서의 수익률이 감소하면서 나타나는 현상으로 보인다. 그런 점에서 97년 이후를 신자유주의 금융세계화 후반부라 일컬을 만하다.

 

이런 설명 틀에서라면 2001년의 위기는 구조적 위기라 할 수 있을 것이고, 2009년 혹은 2010년까지 지속될 것으로 예상이 되는 현재의 금융위기의 결과는 2001년 위기를 능가할 것으로 보인다. 이윤율도 2001년의 이윤율보다 더 낮아질 것이다.

 

윤소영(『마르크스의 경제학비판』, 2005)은 미국자본주의의 최종적 위기를 2010년대로 예상하고 있는데, 2009년 혹은 2010년 이후 또 다른 회복국면이 있을지라도 이때의 이윤율은 2004년의 이윤율보다 더 낮을 것이고 이 정점 이후 이윤율 하락은 81-2년의 수준을 하회할 것이다. 미국노동자들이 자신들의 노동권과 공적자금 투입기관들에 대한 사회적 통제를 둘러싼 투쟁을 완강하게 전개할 수 있길 기대해 본다.
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

이명박 당선 기자회견을 보니

 

질문받는 언론 순서가 동아일보, 케이비에스, 연합뉴스, 국민일보, 월스트리트저널(외신기자회견을 따로 할 거라며 딱 하나만 질문을 받았지요) 순이네요.

한겨레와 엠비시가 외면을 받은 것은 당연하고 조선과 중앙도 주요 언론축에 끼지 못했네요. 동아일보와 국민일보가 어용언론으로 등장하는 신호일까요? 조선과 중앙은 이회창-박근혜 쪽으로 갈까요?

암튼 동아일보-고대-현대(?), 국민일보-기독교, 월스트리트저널-미국계 대자본이 이명박 정권의 주요 기반이 되지 않을까 생각이 드네요.

그리고 국민의 정부, 참여정부 이후 정부명칭이 이명박정부가 되지 않을까 생각도 들더라구요. 이명박정부라는 단어를 스스로 많이 쓰더라구요. 아님 실용정부?

....

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

미국, 대북 공세 강화

뉴욕타임즈 기사입니다. 

제목이 눈에 번쩍 띄어서요. 저도 다 안읽고 올리네요. 중요한 기사 같아서요.

 


October 24, 2005

U.S. Widens Campaign on North Korea

MOSCOW, Oct. 23 - The Bush administration is expanding what it calls "defensive measures" against North Korea, urging nations from China to the former Soviet states to deny overflight rights to aircraft that the United States says are carrying weapons technology, according to two senior administration officials.

At the same time, the officials said, the administration is accelerating an effort to place radiation detectors at land crossings and at airports throughout Central Asia. The devices are intended to monitor the North Koreans and the risk that nuclear weapons material could be removed from facilities in the former Soviet states.

The new campaign was speeded up this summer after a previously undisclosed incident in June, when American satellites tracked an Iranian cargo plane landing in North Korea. The two countries have a history of missile trade - Iran's Shahab missile is a derivative of a North Korean design - and intelligence officials suspected the plane was picking up missile parts.



Rather than watch silently, senior Bush administration officials began urging nations in the area to deny the plane the right to fly over their territory. China and at least one Central Asian nation cooperated, according to senior officials, who confirmed the outlines of the incident to demonstrate that President Bush's strategy to curb proliferation, which has been criticized by some experts for moving too slowly, is showing results. The officials insisted on anonymity because they were discussing sensitive information.

The officials said they believed the Iranian plane left without its cargo, but they were not sure. Nonetheless, the new effort underscored the efforts the administration is undertaking to curb the North's exports of missile parts, drugs and counterfeit currency that are widely believed to be its main source of revenue and the way it finances its nuclear program.

In interviews, the officials insisted that the more aggressive tactics would enhance the effort by the United States to continue negotiations over disarming North Korea, which have lasted for two years and resulted last month in a statement of broad principles to disarm, but no agreement about when or how.

"We are taking a number of new steps - defensive measures - that are intended to provide protection against all aspects of the North Korean proliferation threat," said Robert Joseph, the undersecretary of state for arms control and international security, who has been visiting former Soviet republics and other nations to secure commitments to halt flights like the one in June.

"These measures are necessary for our defense and the defense of our friends and allies," said Mr. Joseph, regarded as an administration hawk on North Korea. He also said the measures "are independent of the diplomatic efforts that we are pursuing" with the North that also include China, Russia, Japan and South Korea. "We believe that they will reinforce the prospect for the success of those talks."

But the Asian allies are divided on that question. South Korea's government, which is preparing for a visit by Mr. Bush next month, has been privately warning against taking steps that would aggravate North Korea. Arguing that "status quo isn't working," one senior administration official said this weekend that "we have to defend against illicit activity that harms America."

Russia has expressed similar concerns about pressuring Iran, saying that such action may force Tehran to show its defiance by resuming the enrichment of uranium.

On Sunday evening, Stephen J. Hadley, the president's national security adviser, arrived here to meet President Vladimir V. Putin and a range of Russian national security officials. The American efforts to exert more pressure on both North Korea and Iran - questions on which Moscow and Washington have been deeply divided - are expected to figure in his discussions.

Mr. Hadley is the second high-level administration official to arrive here in the past 10 days. Earlier this month, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was here on a similar mission, though when she left, Russian officials said they were still opposed to any step that would refer Iran to the United Nations Security Council for sanctions. For Russia, it is a matter of business as well as politics: Moscow is selling Iran the technology for a civilian nuclear reactor.

The new administration effort has three components, according to Mr. Joseph and other officials. The first is to block the sale of any bomb material or radioactive material from North Korea. The second is to beef up anti-proliferation efforts, including denying overflight rights.

Mr. Joseph recently visited Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgistan and Kazakhstan, urging them to join a program called the Proliferation Security Initiative, which began as an effort to seize equipment at sea - like the BBC China, a freighter filled with centrifuge parts bound for Libya that was seized two years ago.

"We were inspired by the June incident," one senior official said this weekend, "and we said, 'Let's be more systematic.' "

A third component of the effort is to step up "counterproliferation," which involves preparing nations to counter chemical or biological weapons, and work out ways to defend against a missile attack. Japan, which has grown more hawkish on North Korea, has said it will join the American missile defense program, basing its anti-missile system on ships offshore. South Korea has declined, though it has long made use of the American-made Patriot system against short-range missiles.

One administration official cautioned that "some of these programs are new descriptions of older efforts, with more money in the pot."

But while the administration has been taking steps to isolate North Korea since President Bush took office in 2001, the combination of the effort to deny overflight rights to the Iranian plane and other recent activities suggests that the effort is being reinvigorated. It is being spurred, officials say, by some in the administration who suspect the North's willingness to sign a "statement of principles" to give up its weapons was a stalling tactic. So, using a series of exisiting powers and a new executive order signed by President Bush, the Treasury Department charged a bank based in Macao, Banco Delta Asia, with money-laundering, saying it was aiding North Korea's black-market dealings. The bank has denied the charge.

This summer, American officials seized $2 million in counterfeit bills, which it said were produced in the North, and a man linked to the Irish Republican Army was arrested in Belfast, charged with trafficking in fake currency produced in the North.



진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

[펌] 외국인투자의 혜택에 대한 6가지 신화들(페트라스)

대충 읽어보니 외국인투자 유치론에 대한 유력한 반박논리를 제공하는 것 같습니다. 언젠가 요약번역이라도 하겠다는 약속을 드립니다. 그 전에 누가 하면 말고. 그리고 이전 글 마르코스 글도 뒷부분을 어떤 동지와 나누어 요약번역하기로 약속했습니다. 조만간에.. 암튼 일단 다시 영문을 올려 죄송합니다. Six myths about the benefits of foreign investment James Petras Rebelión There are several myths about foreign investment propounded by orthodox economists, publicists for multinational corporations (MNCs), which are repeated and widely circulated by mass media journalists and editorial writers: Myth #1 - Foreign Investment (FI) creates new enterprises, gains or expands markets and stimulates new research and development of local technological ‘know-how’. In fact most FI is directed toward buying privatized and profitable existing public enterprises and private firms, taking over existing markets and selling or renting technology designed and developed at the “home office”. Since the late 1980’s over half of FI in Latin America was directed toward purchasing existing enterprises, usually at below market valuation. Instead of complementing local public or private capital, FI “crowds out” local capital and public initiative and undermines emerging technological research centers. With regard to market expansion, the record is mixed: in some sectors where public enterprises were starved for funds, like telecommunications, the new foreign owners (NFO) may have expanded the number of users and enlarged the market. In other cases, like water, electricity and transportation, the NFOs have reduced the market, especially to low-income classes, by raising charges beyond the means of most consumers. The experience with FI and technological transfers is largely negative: over 80% of research and development (R and D) is carried out in the main office. The “transfers of technology” is the rental or sale of techniques developed elsewhere, rather than local design. MNC usually charge subsidiaries excess royalty fees, service and management costs, to artificially or fraudulently lower profits and taxes to local governments. Myth #2 FI increases the export competitiveness of an industry, and stimulates the local economy via secondary and tertiary purchases and sales. In reality FI buy up lucrative mineral resources and export them with little or no value added. Most of the minerals are converted into semi-finished or finished value added goods - processed, refined, manufactured - in home countries or elsewhere, creating jobs, diversified economies and skills. The privatization of the lucrative giant iron mine Vale del Doce in Brazil in the 1990’s has led to huge profits for the new owners and the sale of raw ore overseas, particularly to China in the 21st century. China converts iron ore to steel for transport, machine industries and a host of job-generating metallurgical enterprises. In Bolivia, the privatization of the gas and petrol industry in the mid 1990’s has led to billions in profits in the 21st century and the loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs in processing and conversion of petroleum and gas into value added goods. In addition the MNC export oil and gas failing to supply local low-income consumers. The extraction of raw materials is capital intensive using few workers. Processing and manufacture is more labor intensive and job creating. Myth # 3 Foreign investors provide tax revenue to bolster the local treasury and hard currency earnings to finance imports. The reality is FI engages in massive tax frauds, swindles in purchasing public enterprises, and large scale money laundering. In May 2005, the Venezuelan government has announced massive billion-dollar tax evasion and fraud committed by major overseas petroleum companies who signed on to service contracts since the 1990’s. The entire Russian petroleum and gas sector was literally stolen by a new class of billionaire robber oligarchs, associated with foreign investors, who subsequently evaded taxes. The trial and conviction of two oligarchs, Platon Lebedev and Mikhail Khodorkovsky for $29 billion tax evasion facilitated by US and European banks is illustrative. The impact of the MNC on the balance of payments over the long run is negative. For example, most assembly plants in export zones import all their inputs, machinery, design and know-how and export the semi-finished or finished product. The resulting trade balance depends on the cost of the inputs relative to the value of exports. In many cases the imported components charged to the local economy are greater than the value added in the export zone. Secondly most of the revenues from the export platform accrue to the capitalists since the key to success is low wages leading to the creation of personal empires. The Brazilian experience over the past decade and a half is illustrative of the negative external balances resulting from FI and external funded investment. In 2004 Brazil paid foreign bankers $46 billion (USD) in interest and principle while receiving only $16 billion dollars in new loans, leading to a net outflow of $30 billion dollars. (2) Between January and April 2005 Brazil was bled for $4.6 billion (USD) in interest payments, $3.7 billion in profit remittances by MNC, $1.7 billion for ‘external services’ and $7.3 billion in payments of principle in the debt. (3) The total drain of $17.3 billion dollars far exceeded the positive commercial trade balance of $12.2 billion dollars. (4) In other words, the FI led export model led to new indebtedness to pay for the shortfall, the loss of employment by small and medium farmers at the mercy of the agro-business elites and the destruction of the environment. Myth #4 - Maintaining debt payments is essential to securing financial good standing in international markets and maintaining the integrity of the financial system. Both are crucial to sound development. The historical record reveals that incurring debt under dubious circumstances and paying back illegally contracted loans by non-representative governments jeopardized the long-term financial standing and integrity of the domestic financial system and led to a financial collapse. The Argentine experience between 1976-2001 is illustrative. A substantial part of the public external and internal debt was illegally contracted and had little development utility. A lawsuit launched by an Argentine economist, Olmos, against payment of the Argentine foreign debt revealed that the foreign private debts of Citibank, First National Bank of Boston, Deutsch Bank, Chase Manhattan Bank and Bank of America were taken over by the Argentine government. (5) The same is true of debts of subsidiaries of overseas banks. The Olmos lawsuit also documented how the Argentine dictatorship and subsequent regimes borrowed to secure hard currency to facilitate capital flight in dollars. The foreign loans went directly to the Central Bank, which made the dollars available to the rich who recycled the dollars to their overseas accounts. Between 1978-1981 over $38 billion USD fled the country. Most of the foreign loans were used to finance the “economic” openings, luxury imports and non-productive goods, especially military equipment. The Olmos case pointed to a perverse source of greater indebtedness: the Argentine regime borrowed at high interest rates and then deposited the funds with the same lender banks at lower interest rates leaving a net loss of several billion dollars, added to the foreign debt. Myth # 5 Most Third World countries depend on FI to provide needed capital for development since local sources are not available or inadequate. Contrary to the opinion of most neo-liberal economists, most of what is called foreign investment is really foreign borrowing of national savings to buy local enterprises and finance investments. Foreign investors and MNCs secure overseas loans backed by local governments, or directly receive loans from local pension funds and banks – drawing on the local deposits and worker pension payments. Recent reports on pension fund financing of US MNCs in Mexico shows that Banamex (purchased in the 21st century) secured a 28.9 billion peso (about $2.6 billion USD) loan, American Movil (Telcel) 13 billion pesos ($1.2 billion USD), Ford Motor (in long-term loans) (9.556 billion pesos) and one billion pesos (in short term loans), and General Motors (financial sector) received 6.555 billion pesos. (6) This pattern of foreign borrowing to take over local markets and productive facilities is common practice, dispelling the notion that foreign investors bring “fresh capital” into a country. Equally important it refutes the notion that Third World countries “need” FI because of capital scarcity. Invitations to FI divert local savings from local public and private investors, crowd out local borrowers and force them to seek ‘informal’ money lenders charging higher interest rates. Instead of complementing local investors FI compete for local savings from a privileged position in the credit market, bringing to bear their greater (overseas) assets and political influence in securing loans from local lending agencies. Myth #6 – The proponents of FI argue that the entry of FI serves as an anchor for attracting further investment and serves as a ‘pole of development’. Nothing could be further from the truth. The experiences of foreign-owned assembly plants in the Caribbean, Central America and Mexico speak to the great instability and insecurity with the emergence of new sources of cheaper labor in Asia, especially China and Viet Nam. Foreign investors are more likely than local manufacturers to relocate to new low-wage areas, creating a “boom and bust” economy. The practice of FI, in Mexico, the Caribbean and Central America, faced with competition from Asia is to relocate, not to upgrade technology and skills or to move up to quality products. Finally a long-term study of the impact of FI on development in India has found no correlation between growth and FI. (7) Conclusion Reliance on FI is a risky, costly and limiting development strategy. The benefits and costs are unevenly distributed between the “sender” and receiver of FI. In the larger historical picture it is not surprising that none of the early, late or latest developing countries put FI into the center of their development scheme. Neither the US, Germany and Japan in the 19th and 20th century, nor Russia, China, Korea and Taiwan in the 20th century depended on FI to advance their industrial and financial institutions. Given the disadvantages cited in the text, it is clear that the way ahead for developing countries is through minimizing FI and maximizing national ownership and investment of local financial resources, skills and enlarging and deepening local and overseas markets through a diversified economy. Because the negative economic, social and political costs of FI are evident to increasing numbers of people in the Third World, particularly in Latin America, it is a major detonator of mass social movements, and even revolutionary struggles, as is the case in Bolivia during 2005. Since FI is a direct result of political decisions adopted at the highest level of government, mass social struggles are as much or even more so directed against the incumbent political regime responsible for promoting and mollycoddling FI. The increasing turn of social movements toward political struggles for state power is directly related to the increasing recognition that political power and FI are intimately connected. In the 21st century, at least in Latin America, all of the electoral regimes, which have been overthrown by popular majorities, had deep structural links to FI: Gutierrez in Ecuador, Sanchez de Losada and Mesa in Bolivia and Fujimori in Peru. The leader with the greatest sustained support in Latin America, President Chavez in Venezuela, is precisely the only one who has increased regulations and taxes on FI and redistributed the increased revenues to the poor, working class and peasants. The question still remains whether this new infusion of energy and class awareness can go beyond defeating pro-FI regimes to constructing a state based on a broad alliance of class forces, which goes beyond ‘nationalization’ and toward a socialist economy. Notes: Paul Doremus et al, Myth of the Global Corporation, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1998 Boletin: Cedada da Divida No 12, May 31, 2005, p2 Ibid p2-3 Ibid p2-3 Cited in Boletin p6 La Jornada June 7, 2005 Tanushree Mazumdar, “Capital Flows into India”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol XL No 21, p2183-2189 June 13, 2005
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

[펌] 사파티스타가 '문건'을 냈네요.

최근에 중요한 평가(?)회의를 하고 있었지요. 그 결과물인듯 하네요. 이 긴 영문을 그냥 실어놓으면 어쩌자는거야. 영어 못하는 사람 어쩌라는 거야 불평을 하시겠지만... 궁하면 통한다고 어딘가서 번역 등을 하겠지요, 그 때 읽어보시면 되지요. 물론 영어가 '되는' 사람들은 직접 읽을 수도 있겠구요. 넌 뭐하냐? 난 펌질했지요! ㅎㅎ. Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona by Subcomandante Marcos July 02, 2005 Originally published in Spanish by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation Translated by irlandesa Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Mexico. Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona This is our simple word which seeks to touch the hearts of humble and simple people like ourselves, but people who are also, like ourselves, dignified and rebel. This is our simple word for recounting what our path has been and where we are now, in order to explain how we see the world and our country, in order to say what we are thinking of doing and how we are thinking of doing it, and in order to invite other persons to walk with us in something very great which is called Mexico and something greater which is called the world. This is our simple word in order to inform all honest and noble hearts what it is we want in Mexico and the world. This is our simple word, because it is our idea to call on those who are like us and to join together with them, everywhere they are living and struggling. I - What We Are We are the zapatistas of the EZLN, although we are also called "neo-zapatistas." Now, we, the zapatistas of the EZLN, rose up in arms in January of 1994 because we saw how widespread had become the evil wrought by the powerful who only humiliated us, stole from us, imprisoned us and killed us, and no one was saying anything or doing anything. That is why we said "Ya Basta!," that no longer were we going to allow them to make us inferior or to treat us worse than animals. And then we also said we wanted democracy, liberty and justice for all Mexicans although we were concentrated on the Indian peoples. Because it so happened that we, the EZLN, were almost all only indigenous from here in Chiapas, but we did not want to struggle just for own good, or just for the good of the indigenous of Chiapas, or just for the good of the Indian peoples of Mexico. We wanted to fight along with everyone who was humble and simple like ourselves and who was in great need and who suffered from exploitation and thievery by the rich and their bad governments here, in our Mexico, and in other countries in the world. And then our small history was that we grew tired of exploitation by the powerful, and then we organized in order to defend ourselves and to fight for justice. In the beginning there were not many of us, just a few, going this way and that, talking with and listening to other people like us. We did that for many years, and we did it in secret, without making a stir. In other words, we joined forces in silence. We remained like that for about 10 years, and then we had grown, and then we were many thousands. We trained ourselves quite well in politics and weapons, and, suddenly, when the rich were throwing their New Year's Eve parties, we fell upon their cities and just took them over. And we left a message to everyone that here we are, that they have to take notice of us. And then the rich took off and sent their great armies to do away with us, just like they always do when the exploited rebel - they order them all to be done away with. But we were not done away with at all, because we had prepared ourselves quite well prior to the war, and we made ourselves strong in our mountains. And there were the armies, looking for us and throwing their bombs and bullets at us, and then they were making plans to kill off all the indigenous at one time, because they did not know who was a zapatista and who was not. And we were running and fighting, fighting and running, just like our ancestors had done. Without giving up, without surrendering, without being defeated. And then the people from the cities went out into the streets and began s houting for an end to the war. And then we stopped our war, and we listened to those brothers and sisters from the city who were telling us to try to reach an arrangement or an accord with the bad governments, so that the problem could be resolved without a massacre. And so we paid attention to them, because they were what we call "the people," or the Mexican people. And so we set aside the fire and took up the word. And it so happened that the governments said they would indeed be well-behaved, and they would engage in dialogue, and they would make accords, and they would fulfill them. And we said that was good, but we also thought it was good that we knew those people who went out into the streets in order to stop the war. Then, while we were engaging in dialogue with the bad governments, we were also talking with those persons, and we saw that most of them were humble and simple people like us, and both, they and we, understood quite well why we were fighting. And we called those people "civil society" because most of them did not belong to political parties, rather they were common, everyday people, like us, simple and humble people. But it so happened that the bad governments did not want a good agreement, rather it was just their underhanded way of saying they were going to talk and to reach accords, while they were preparing their attacks in order to eliminate us once and for all. And so then they attacked us several times, but they did not defeat us, because we resisted quite well, and many people throughout the world mobilized. And then the bad governments thought that the problem was that many people saw what was happening with the EZLN, and they started their plan of acting as if nothing were going on. Meanwhile they were quick to surround us, they laid siege to us in hopes that, since our mountains are indeed remote, the people would then forget, since zapatista lands were so far away. And every so often the bad governments tested us and tried to deceive us or to attack us, like in February of 1995 when they threw a huge number of armies at us, but they did not defeat us. Because, as they said then, we were not alone, and many people helped us, and we resisted well. And then the bad governments had to make accords with the EZLN, and those accords were called the "San Andrés Accords" because the municipality where those accords were signed was called "San Andrés." And we were not all alone in those dialogues, speaking with people from the bad governments. We invited many people and organizations who were, or are, engaged in the struggle for the Indian peoples of Mexico, and everyone spoke their word, and everyone reached agreement as to how we were going to speak with the bad governments. And that is how that dialogue was, not just the zapatistas on one side and the governments on the other. Instead, the Indian peoples of Mexico, and those who supported them, were with the zapatistas. And then the bad governments said in those accords that they were indeed going to recognize the rights of the Indian peoples of Mexico, and they were going to respect their culture, and they were going to make everything law in the Constitution. But then, once they had signed, the bad governments acted as if they had forgotten about them, and many years passed, and the accords were not fulfilled at all. Quite the opposite, the government attacked the indigenous, in order to make them back out of the struggle, as they did on December 22, 1997, the date on which Zedillo ordered the killing of 45 men, women, old ones and children in the town in Chiapas called ACTEAL. This immense crime was not so easily forgotten, and it was a demonstration of how the bad governments color their hearts in order to attack and assassinate those who rebel against injustices. And, while all of that was going on, we zapatistas were putting our all into the fulfillment of the accords and resisting in the mountains of the Mexican southeast. And then we began speaking with other Indian peoples of Mexico and their organizations, and we made an agreement with them that we were going to struggle together for the same thing, for the recognition of indigenous rights and culture. Now we were also being helped by many people from all over the world and by persons who were well respected and whose word was quite great because they were great intellectuals, artists and scientists from Mexico and from all over the world. And we also held international encuentros. In other words, we joined together to talk with persons from America and from Asia and from Europe and from Africa and from Oceania, and we learned of their struggles and their ways, and we said they were "intergalactic" encuentros, just to be silly and because we had also invited those from other planets, but it appeared as if they had not come, or perhaps they did come, but they did not make it clear. But the bad governments did not keep their word anyway, and then we made a plan to talk with many Mexicans so they would help us. And then, first in 1997, we held a march to Mexico City which was called "of the 1,111" because a compañero or compañera was going to go from each zapatista town, but the bad government did not pay any attention. And then, in 1999, we held a consulta throughout the country, and there it was seen that the majority were indeed in agreement with the demands of the Indian peoples, but again the bad governments did not pay any attention. And then, lastly, in 2001, we held what was called the "march for indigenous dignity" which had much support from millions of Mexicans and people from other countries, and it went to where the deputies and senators were, the Congress of the Union, in order to demand the recognition of the Mexican indigenous. But it happened that no, the politicians from the PRI, the PAN and the PRD reached an agreement among themselves, and they simply did not recognize indigenous rights and culture. That was in April of 2001, and the politicians demonstrated quite clearly there that they had no decency whatsoever, and they were swine who thought only about making their good money as the bad politicians they were. This must be remembered, because you will now be seeing that they are going to say they will indeed recognize indigenous rights, but it is a lie they are telling so we will vote for them. But they already had their chance, and they did not keep their word. And then we saw quite clearly that there was no point to dialogue and negotiation with the bad governments of Mexico. That it was a waste of time for us to be talking with the politicians, because neither their hearts nor their words were honest. They were crooked, and they told lies that they would keep their word, but they did not. In other words, on that day, when the politicians from the PRI, PAN and PRD approved a law that was no good, they killed dialogue once and for all, and they clearly stated that it did not matter what they had agreed to and signed, because they did not keep their word. And then we did not make any contacts with the federal branches. Because we understood that dialogue and negotiation had failed as a result of those political parties. We saw that blood did not matter to them, nor did death, suffering, mobilizations, consultas, efforts, national and international statements, encuentros, accords, signatures, commitments. And so the political class not only closed, one more time, the door to the Indian peoples, they also delivered a mortal blow to the peaceful resolution - through dialogue and negotiation - of the war. It can also no longer be believed that the accords will be fulfilled by someone who comes along with something or other. They should see that there so that they can learn from experience what happened to us. And then we saw all of that, and we wondered in our hearts what we were going to do. And the first thing we saw was that our heart was not the same as before, when we began our struggle. It was larger, because now we had touched the hearts of many good people. And we also saw that our heart was more hurt, it was more wounded. And it was not wounded by the deceits of the bad governments, but because, when we touched the hearts of others, we also touched their sorrows. It was as if we were seeing ourselves in a mirror. II. - Where We Are Now Then, like the zapatistas we are, we thought that it was not enough to stop engaging in dialogue with the government, but it was necessary to continue on ahead in the struggle, in spite of those lazy parasites of politicians. The EZLN then decided to carry out, alone and on their side ("unilateral", in other words, because just one side), the San Andrés Accords regarding indigenous rights and culture. For 4 years, since the middle of 2001 until the middle of 2005, we have devoted ourselves to this and to other things which we are going to tell you about. Fine, we then began encouraging the autonomous rebel zapatista municipalities - which is how the peoples are organized in order to govern and to govern themselves - in order to make themselves stronger. This method of autonomous government was not simply invented by the EZLN, but rather it comes from several centuries of indigenous resistance and from the zapatistas' own experience. It is the self-governance of the communities. In other words, no one from outside comes to govern, but the peoples themselves decide, among themselves, who governs and how, and, if they do not obey, they are removed. If the one who governs does not obey the people, they pursue them, they are removed from authority, and another comes in. But then we saw that the Autonomous Municipalities were not level. There were some that were more advanced and which had more support from civil society, and others were more neglected. The organization was lacking to make them more on a par with each other. And we also saw that the EZLN, with its political-military component, was involving itself in decisions which belonged to the democratic authorities, "civilians" as they say. And here the problem is that the political-military component of the EZLN is not democratic, because it is an army. And we saw that the military being above, and the democratic below, was not good, because what is democratic should not be decided militarily, it should be the reverse: the democratic-political governing above, and the military obeying below. Or, perhaps, it would be better with nothing below, just completely level, without any military, and that is why the zapatistas are soldiers so that there will not be any soldiers. Fine, what we then did about this problem was to begin separating the political-military from the autonomous and democratic aspects of organization in the zapatista communities. And so, actions and decisions which had previously been made and taken by the EZLN were being passed, little by little, to the democratically elected authorities in the villages. It is easy to say, of course, but it was very difficult in practice, because many years have passed - first in the preparation for the war and then the war itself - and the political-military aspects have become customary. But, regardless, we did so because it is our way to do what we say, because, if not, why should we go around saying things if we do not then do them. That was how the Good Government Juntas were born, in August of 2003, and, through them, self-learning and the exercise of "govern obeying" has continued. >From that time and until the middle of 2005, the EZLN leadership has no longer involved itself in giving orders in civil matters, but it has accompanied and helped the authorities who are democratically elected by the peoples. It has also kept watch that the peoples and national and international civil society are kept well informed concerning the aid that is received and how it is used. And now we are passing the work of safeguarding good government to the zapatista support bases, with temporary positions which are rotated, so that everyone learns and carries out this work. Because we believe that a people which does not watch over its leaders is condemned to be enslaved, and we fought to be free, not to change masters every six years. The EZLN, during these 4 years, also handed over to the Good Government Juntas and the Autonomous Municipalities the aid and contacts which they had attained throughout Mexico and the world during these years of war and resistance. The EZLN had also, during that time, been building economic and political support which allowed the zapatista communities to make progress with fewer difficulties in the building of their autonomy and in improving their living conditions. It is not much, but it is far better than what they had prior to the beginning of the uprising in January of 1994. If you look at one of those studies the governments make, you will see that the only indigenous communities which have improved their living conditions - whether in health, education, food or housing - were those which are in zapatista territory, which is what we call where our villages are. And all of that has been possible because of the progress made by the zapatista villages and because of the very large support which has been received from good and noble persons, whom we call "civil societies," and from their organizations throughout the world. As if all of these people have made "another world is possible" a reality, but through actions, not just words. And the villages have made good progress. Now there are more compañeros and compañeras who are learning to govern. And - even though little by little - there are more women going into this work, but there is still a lack of respect for the compañeras, and they need to participate more in the work of the struggle. And, also through the Good Government Juntas, coordination has been improved between the Autonomous Municipalities and the resolution of problems with other organizations and with the official authorities. There has also been much improvement in the projects in the communities, and the distribution of projects and aid given by civil society from all over the world has become more level. Health and education have improved, although there is still a good deal lacking for it to be what it should be. The same is true for housing and food, and in some areas there has been much improvement with the problem of land, because the lands recovered from the finqueros are being distributed. But there are areas which continue to suffer from a lack of lands to cultivate. And there has been great improvement in the support from national and international civil society, because previously everyone went wherever they wanted, and now the Good Government Juntas are directing them to where the greatest need exists. And, similarly, everywhere there are more compañeros and compañeras who are learning to relate to persons from other parts of Mexico and of the world,. They are learning to respect and to demand respect. They are learning that there are many worlds, and that everyone has their place, their time and their way, and therefore there must be mutual respect between everyone. We, the zapatistas of the EZLN, have devoted this time to our primary force, to the peoples who support us. And the situation has indeed improved some. No one can say that the zapatista organization and struggle has been without point, but rather, even if they were to do away with us completely, our struggle has indeed been of some use. But it is not just the zapatista villages which have grown - the EZLN has also grown. Because what has happened during this time is that new generations have renewed our entire organization. They have added new strength. The comandantes and comandantas who were in their maturity at the beginning of the uprising in 1994 now have the wisdom they gained in the war and in the 12 years of dialogue with thousands of men and women from throughout the world. The members of the CCRI, the zapatista political-organizational leadership, is now counseling and directing the new ones who are entering our struggle, as well as those who are holding leadership positions. For some time now the "committees" (which is what we call them) have been preparing an entire new generation of comandantes and comandantas who, following a period of instruction and testing, are beginning to learn the work of organizational leadership and to discharge their duties. And it also so happens that our insurgents, insurgentas, militants, local and regional responsables, as well as support bases, who were youngsters at the beginning of the uprising, are now mature men and women, combat veterans and natural leaders in their units and communities. And those who were children in that January of '94 are now young people who have grown up in the resistance, and they have been trained in the rebel dignity lifted up by their elders throughout these 12 years of war. These young people have a political, technical and cultural training that we who began the zapatista movement did not have. This youth is now, more and more, sustaining our troops as well as leadership positions in the organization. And, indeed, all of us have seen the deceits by the Mexican political class and the destruction which their actions have caused in our patria. And we have seen the great injustices and massacres that neoliberal globalization causes throughout the world. But we will speak to you of that later. And so the EZLN has resisted 12 years of war, of military, political, ideological and economic attacks, of siege, of harassment, of persecution, and they have not vanquished us. We have not sold out nor surrendered, and we have made progress. More compañeros from many places have entered into the struggle so that, instead of making us weaker after so many years, we have become stronger. Of course there are problems which can be resolved by more separation of the political-military from the civil-democratic. But there are things, the most important ones, such as our demands for which we struggle, which have not been fully achieved. To our way of thinking, and what we see in our heart, we have reached a point where we cannot go any further, and, in addition, it is possible that we could lose everything we have if we remain as we are and do nothing more in order to move forward. The hour has come to take a risk once again and to take a step which is dangerous but which is worthwhile. Because, perhaps united with other social sectors who suffer from the same wants as we do, it will be possible to achieve what we need and what we deserve. A new step forward in the indigenous struggle is only possible if the indigenous join together with workers, campesinos, students, teachers, employees...the workers of the city and the countryside. III - How We See the World Now we are going to explain to you how we, the zapatistas, see what is going on in the world. We see that capitalism is the strongest right now. Capitalism is a social system, a way in which a society goes about organizing things and people, and who has and who has not, and who gives orders and who obeys. In capitalism, there are some people who have money, or capital, and factories and stores and fields and many things, and there are others who have nothing but their strength and knowledge in order to work. In capitalism, those who have money and things give the orders, and those who only have their ability to work obey. Then capitalism means that there a few who have great wealth, but they did not win a prize, or find a treasure, or inherited from a parent. They obtained that wealth, rather, by exploiting the work of the many. So capitalism is based on the exploitation of the workers, which means they exploit the workers and take out all the profits they can. This is done unjustly, because they do not pay the worker what his work is worth. Instead they give him a salary that barely allows him to eat a little and to rest for a bit, and the next day he goes back to work in exploitation, whether in the countryside or in the city. And capitalism also makes its wealth from plunder, or theft, because they take what they want from others, land, for example, and natural resources. So capitalism is a system where the robbers are free and they are admired and used as examples. And, in addition to exploiting and plundering, capitalism represses because it imprisons and kills those who rebel against injustice. Capitalism is most interested in merchandise, because when it is bought or sold, profits are made. And then capitalism turns everything into merchandise, it makes merchandise of people, of nature, of culture, of history, of conscience. According to capitalism, everything must be able to be bought and sold. And it hides everything behind the merchandise, so we don't see the exploitation that exists. And then the merchandise is bought and sold in a market. And the market, in addition to being used for buying and selling, is also used to hide the exploitation of the workers. In the market, for example, we see coffee in its little package or its pretty little jar, but we do not see the campesino who suffered in order to harvest the coffee, and we do not see the coyote who paid him so cheaply for his work, and we do not see the workers in the large company working their hearts out to package the coffee. Or we see an appliance for listening to music like cumbias, rancheras or corridos, or whatever, and we see that it is very good because it has a good sound, but we do not see the worker in the maquiladora who struggled for many hours, putting the cables and the parts of the appliance together, and they barely paid her a pittance of money, and she lives far away from work and spends a lot on the trip, and, in addition, she runs the risk of being kidnapped, raped and killed as happens in Ciudad Juárez in Mexico. So we see merchandise in the market, but we do not see the exploitation with which it was made. And then capitalism needs many markets...or a very large market, a world market. And so the capitalism of today is not the same as before, when the rich were content with exploiting the workers in their own countries, but now they are on a path which is called Neoliberal Globalization. This globalization means that they no longer control the workers in one or several countries, but the capitalists are trying to dominate everything all over the world. And the world, or Planet Earth, is also called the "globe", and that is why they say "globalization," or the entire world. And neoliberalism is the idea that capitalism is free to dominate the entire world, and so tough, you have to resign yourself and conform and not make a fuss, in other words, not rebel. So neoliberalism is like the theory, the plan, of capitalist globalization. And neoliberalism has its economic, political, military and cultural plans. All of those plans have to do with dominating everyone, and they repress or separate anyone who doesn't obey so that his rebellious ideas aren't passed on to others. Then, in neoliberal globalization, the great capitalists who live in the countries which are powerful, like the United States, want the entire world to be made into a big business where merchandise is produced like a great market. A world market for buying and selling the entire world and for hiding all the exploitation from the world. Then the global capitalists insert themselves everywhere, in all the countries, in order to do their big business, their great exploitation. Then they respect nothing, and they meddle wherever they wish. As if they were conquering other countries. That is why we zapatistas say that neoliberal globalization is a war of conquest of the entire world, a world war, a war being waged by capitalism for global domination. Sometimes that conquest is by armies who invade a country and conquer it by force. But sometimes it is with the economy, in other words, the big capitalists put their money into another country or they lend it money, but on the condition that they obey what they tell them to do. And they also insert their ideas, with the capitalist culture which is the culture of merchandise, of profits, of the market. Then the one which wages the conquest, capitalism, does as it wants, it destroys and changes what it does not like and eliminates what gets in its way. For example, those who do not produce nor buy nor sell modern merchandise get in their way, or those who rebel against that order. And they despise those who are of no use to them. That is why the indigenous get in the way of neoliberal capitalism, and that is why they despise them and want to eliminate them. And neoliberal capitalism also gets rid of the laws which do not allow them to exploit and to have a lot of profit. They demand that everything can be bought and sold, and, since capitalism has all the money, it buys everything. Capitalism destroys the countries it conquers with neoliberal globalization, but it also wants to adapt everything, to make it over again, but in its own way, a way which benefits capitalism and which doesn't allow anything to get in its way. Then neoliberal globalization, capitalism, destroys what exists in these countries, it destroys their culture, their language, their economic system, their political system, and it also destroys the ways in which those who live in that country relate to each other. So everything that makes a country a country is left destroyed. Then neoliberal globalization wants to destroy the nations of the world so that only one Nation or country remains, the country of money, of capital. And capitalism wants everything to be as it wants, in its own way, and it doesn't like what is different, and it persecutes it and attacks it, or puts it off in a corner and acts as if it doesn't exist. Then, in short, the capitalism of global neoliberalism is based on exploitation, plunder, contempt and repression of those who refuse. The same as before, but now globalized, worldwide. But it is not so easy for neoliberal globalization, because the exploited of each country become discontented, and they will not say well, too bad, instead they rebel. And those who remain and who are in the way resist, and they don't allow themselves to be eliminated. And that is why we see, all over the world, those who are being screwed over making resistances, not putting up with it, in other words, they rebel, and not just in one country but wherever they abound. And so, as there is a neoliberal globalization, there is a globalization of rebellion. And it is not just the workers of the countryside and of the city who appear in this globalization of rebellion, but others also appear who are much persecuted and despised for the same reason, for not letting themselves be dominated, like women, young people, the indigenous, homosexuals, lesbians, transsexual persons, migrants and many other groups who exist all over the world but who we do not see until they shout ya basta of being despised, and they raise up, and then we see them, we hear them, and we learn from them. And then we see that all those groups of people are fighting against neoliberalism, against the capitalist globalization plan, and they are struggling for humanity. And we are astonished when we see the stupidity of the neoliberals who want to destroy all humanity with their wars and exploitations, but it also makes us quite happy to see resistances and rebellions appearing everywhere, such as ours, which is a bit small, but here we are. And we see this all over the world, and now our heart learns that we are not alone. 1V - How We See Our Country Which is Mexico Now we will talk to you about how we see what is going on in our Mexico. What we see is our country being governed by neoliberals. So, as we already explained, our leaders are destroying our nation, our Mexican Patria. And the work of these bad leaders is not to look after the well-being of the people, instead they are only concerned with the well-being of the capitalists. For example, they make laws like the Free Trade Agreement, which end up leaving many Mexicans destitute, like campesinos and small producers, because they are "gobbled up" by the big agro-industrial companies. As well as workers and small businesspeople, because they cannot compete with the large transnationals who come in without anybody saying anything to them and even thanking them, and they set their low salaries and their high prices. So some of the economic foundations of our Mexico, which were the countryside and industry and national commerce, are being quite destroyed, and just a bit of rubble - which they are certainly going to sell off - remains. And these are great disgraces for our Patria. Because food is no longer being produced in our countryside, just what the big capitalists sell, and the good lands are being stolen through trickery and with the help of the politicians. What is happening in the countryside is the same as Porfirismo, but, instead of hacendados, now there are a few foreign businesses which have well and truly screwed the campesino. And, where before there were credits and price protections, now there is just charity...and sometimes not even that. As for the worker in the city, the factories close, and they are left without work, or they open what are called maquiladoras, which are foreign and which pay a pittance for many hours of work. And then the price of the goods the people need doesn't matter, whether they are expensive or cheap, since there is no money. And if someone was working in a small or midsize business, now they are not, because it was closed, and it was bought by a big transnational. And if someone had a small business, it disappeared as well, or they went to work clandestinely for big businesses which exploit them terribly, and which even put boys and girls to work. And if the worker belonged to his union in order to demand his legal rights, then no, now the same union tells him he will have to put up with his salary being lowered or his hours or his benefits being taken away, because, if not, the business will close and move to another country. And then there is the "microchangarro," which is the government's economic program for putting all the city's workers on street corners selling gum or telephone cards. In other words, absolute economic destruction in the cities as well. And then what happens is that, with the people's economy being totally screwed in the countryside as well as in the city, then many Mexican men and women have to leave their Patria, Mexican lands, and go to seek work in another country, the United States. And they do not treat them well there, instead they exploit them, persecute them and treat them with contempt and even kill them. Under neoliberalism which is being imposed by the bad governments, the economy has not improved. Quite the opposite, the countryside is in great need, and there is no work in the cities. What is happening is that Mexico is being turned into a place where people are working for the wealth of foreigners, mostly rich gringos, a place you are just born into for a little while, and in another little while you die. That is why we say that Mexico is dominated by the United States. Now, it is not just that. Neoliberalism has also changed the Mexican political class, the politicians, because they made them into something like employees in a store, who have to do everything possible to sell everything and to sell it very cheap. You have already seen that they changed the laws in order to remove Article 27 from the Constitution so that ejidal and communal lands could be sold. That was Salinas de Gortari, and he and his gangs said that it was for the good of the countryside and the campesino, and that was how they would prosper and live better. Has it been like that? The Mexican countryside is worse than ever and the campesinos more screwed than under Porfirio Diaz. And they also say they are going to privatize - sell to foreigners - the companies held by the State to help the well-being of the people. Because the companies don't work well and they need to be modernized, and it would be better to sell them. But, instead of improving, the social rights which were won in the revolution of 1910 now make one sad...and courageous. And they also said that the borders must be opened so all the foreign capital can enter, that way all the Mexican businesses will be fixed, and things will be made better. But now we see that there are not any national businesses, the foreigners gobbled them all up, and the things that are sold are worse than the those that were made in Mexico. And now the Mexican politicians also want to sell PEMEX, the oil which belongs to all Mexicans, and the only difference is that some say everything should be sold and others that only a part of it should be sold. And they also want to privatize social security, and electricity and water and the forests and everything, until nothing of Mexico is left, and our country will be a wasteland or a place of entertainment for rich people from all over the world, and we Mexican men and women will be their servants, dependent on what they offer, bad housing, without roots, without culture, without even a Patria. So the neoliberals want to kill Mexico, our Mexican Patria. And the political parties not only do not defend it, they are the first to put themselves at the service of foreigners, especially those from the United States, and they are the ones who are in charge of deceiving us, making us look the other way while everything is sold, and they are left with the money. All the political parties that exist right now, not just some of them. Think about whether anything has been done well, and you will see that no, nothing but theft and scams. And look how all the politicians always have their nice houses and their nice cars and luxuries. And they still want us to thank them and to vote for them again. And it is obvious, as they say, that they are without shame. And they are without it because they do not, in fact, have a Patria, they only have bank accounts. And we also see that drug trafficking and crime has been increasing a lot. And sometimes we think that criminals are like they show them in the songs or movies, and maybe some are like that, but not the real chiefs. The real chiefs go around very well dressed, they study outside the country, they are elegant, they do not go around in hiding, they eat in good restaurants and they appear in the papers, very pretty and well dressed at their parties. They are, as they say, "good people", and some are even officials, deputies, senators, secretaries of state, prosperous businessmen, police chiefs, generals. Are we saying that politics serves no purpose? No, what we mean is that THAT politics serves no purpose. And it is useless because it does not take the people into account. It does not listen to them, it does not pay any attention to them, it just approaches them when there are elections. And they do not even want votes anymore, the polls are enough to say who wins. And then just promises about what this one is going to do and what the other one is going to do, then it's bye, I'll see you, but you don't see them again, except when they appear in the news when they've just stolen a lot of money and nothing is going to be done to them because the law - which those same politicians made - protects them. Because that's another problem, the Constitution is all warped and changed now. It's no longer the one that had the rights and liberties of working people. Now there are the rights and liberties of the neoliberals so they can have their huge profits. And the judges exist to serve those neoliberals, because they always rule in favor of them, and those who are not rich get injustice, jails and cemeteries. Well, even with all this mess the neoliberals are making, there are Mexican men and women who are organizing and making a resistance struggle. And so we found out that there are indigenous, that their lands are far away from us here in Chiapas, and they are making their autonomy and defending their culture and caring for their land, forests and water. And there are workers in the countryside, campesinos, who are organizing and holding their marches and mobilizations in order to demand credits and aid for the countryside. And there are workers in the city who do not let their rights be taken away or their jobs privatized. They protest and demonstrate so the little they have isn't taken away from them and so they don't take away from the country what is, in fact, its own, like electricity, oil, social security, education. And there are students who don't let education be privatized and who are fighting for it to be free and popular and scientific, so they don't charge, so everyone can learn, and so they don't teach stupid things in schools. And there are women who do not let themselves be treated as an ornament or be humiliated and despised just for being women, but who are organizing and fighting for the respect they deserve as the women they are. And there are young people who don't accept their stultifying them with drugs or persecuting them for their way of being, but who make themselves aware with their music and their culture, their rebellion. And there are homosexuals, lesbians, transsexuals and many ways who do not put up with being ridiculed, despised, mistreated and even killed for having another way which is different, with being treated like they are abnormal or criminals, but who make their own organizations in order to defend their right to be different. And there are priests and nuns and those they call laypeople who are not with the rich and who are not resigned, but who are organizing to accompany the struggles of the people. And there are those who are called social activists, who are men and women who have been fighting all their lives for exploited people, and they are the same ones who participated in the great strikes and workers' actions, in the great citizens' mobilizations, in the great campesino movements, and who suffer great repression, and who, even though some are old now, continue on without surrendering, and they go everywhere, looking for the struggle, seeking justice, and making leftist organizations, non-governmental organizations, human rights organizations, organizations in defense of political prisoners and for the disappeared, leftist publications, organizations of teachers or students, social struggle, and even political-military organizations, and they are just not quiet and they know a lot because they have seen a lot and lived and struggled. And so we see in general that in our country, which is called Mexico, there are many people who do not put up with things, who do not surrender, who do not sell out. Who are dignified. And that makes us very pleased and happy, because with all those people it's not going to be so easy for the neoliberals to win, and perhaps it will be possible to save our Patria from the great thefts and destruction they are doing. And we think that perhaps our "we" will include all those rebellions... V - What We Want To Do We are now going to tell you what we want to do in the world and in Mexico, because we cannot watch everything that is happening on our planet and just remain quiet, as if it were only we were where we are. What we want in the world is to tell all of those who are resisting and fighting in their own ways and in their own countries, that you are not alone, that we, the zapatistas, even though we are very small, are supporting you, and we are going to look at how to help you in your struggles and to speak to you in order to learn, because what we have, in fact, learned is to learn. And we want to tell the Latin American peoples that we are proud to be a part of you, even if it is a small part. We remember quite well how the continent was also illuminated some years ago, and a light was called Che Guevara, as it had previously been called Bolivar, because sometimes the people take up a name in order to say they are taking up a flag. And we want to tell the people of Cuba, who have now been on their path of resistance for many years, that you are not alone, and we do not agree with the blockade they are imposing, and we are going to see how to send you something, even if it is maize, for your resistance. And we want to tell the North American people that we know that the bad governments which you have and which spread harm throughout the world is one thing - and those North Americans who struggle in their country, and who are in solidarity with the struggles of other countries, are a very different thing. And we want to tell the Mapuche brothers and sisters in Chile that we are watching and learning from your struggles. And to the Venezuelans, we see how well you are defending your sovereignty, your nation's right to decide where it is going. And to the indigenous brothers and sisters of Ecuador and Bolivia, we say you are giving a good lesson in history to all of Latin America, because now you are indeed putting a halt to neoliberal globalization. And to the piqueteros and to the young people of Argentina, we want to tell you that, that we love you. And to those in Uruguay who want a better country, we admire you. And to those who are sin tierra in Brazil, that we respect you. And to all the young people of Latin America, that what you are doing is good, and you give us great hope. And we want to tell the brothers and sisters of Social Europe, that which is dignified and rebel, that you are not alone. That your great movements against the neoliberal wars bring us joy. That we are attentively watching your forms of organization and your methods of struggle so that we can perhaps learn something. That we are considering how we can help you in your struggles, and we are not going to send euro because then they will be devalued because of the European Union mess. But perhaps we will send you crafts and coffee so you can market them and help you some in the tasks of your struggle. And perhaps we might also send you some pozol, which gives much strength in the resistance, but who knows if we will send it to you, because pozol is more our way, and what if it were to hurt your bellies and weaken your struggles and the neoliberals defeat you. And we want to tell the brothers and sisters of Africa, Asia and Oceania that we know that you are fighting also, and we want to learn more of your ideas and practices. And we want to tell the world that we want to make you large, so large that all those worlds will fit, those worlds which are resisting because they want to destroy the neoliberals and because they simply cannot stop fighting for humanity. Now then, what we want to do in Mexico is to make an agreement with persons and organizations just of the left, because we believe that it is in the political left where the idea of resisting neoliberal globalization is, and of making a country where there will be justice, democracy and liberty for everyone. Not as it is right now, where there is justice only for the rich, there is liberty only for their big businesses, and there is democracy only for painting walls with election propaganda. And because we believe that it is only from the left that a plan of struggle can emerge, so that our Patria, which is Mexico, does not die. And, then, what we think is that, with these persons and organizations of the left, we will make a plan for going to all those parts of Mexico where there are humble and simple people like ourselves. And we are not going to tell them what they should do or give them orders. Nor are we going to ask them to vote for a candidate, since we already know that the ones who exist are neoliberals. Nor are we going to tell them to be like us, nor to rise up in arms. What we are going to do is to ask them what their lives are like, their struggle, their thoughts about our country and what we should do so they do not defeat us. What we are going to do is to take heed of the thoughts of the simple and humble people, and perhaps we will find there the same love which we feel for our Patria. And perhaps we will find agreement between those of us who are simple and humble and, together, we will organize all over the country and reach agreement in our struggles, which are alone right now, separated from each other, and we will find something like a program that has what we all want, and a plan for how we are going to achieve the realization of that program, which is called the "national program of struggle." And, with the agreement of the majority of those people whom we are going to listen to, we will then engage in a struggle with everyone, with indigenous, workers, campesinos, students, teachers, employees, women, children, old ones, men, and with all of those of good heart and who want to struggle so that our Patria called Mexico does not end up being destroyed and sold, and which still exists between the Rio Grande and the Rio Suchiate and which has the Pacific Ocean on one side and the Atlantic on the other. VI - How We Are Going To Do It And so this is our simple word that goes out to the humble and simple people of Mexico and of the world, and we are calling our word of today: Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona And we are here to say, with our simple word, that... The EZLN maintains its commitment to an offensive ceasefire, and it will not make any attack against government forces or any offensive military movements. The EZLN still maintains its commitment to insisting on the path of political struggle through this peaceful initiative which we are now undertaking. The EZLN continues, therefore, in its resolve to not establish any kind of secret relations with either national political-military organizations or those from other countries. The EZLN reaffirms its commitment to defend, support and obey the zapatista indigenous communities of which it is composed, and which are its supreme command, and - without interfering in their internal democratic processes - will, to the best of its abilities, contribute to the strengthening of their autonomy, good government and improvement in their living conditions. In other words, what we are going to do in Mexico and in the world, we are going to do without arms, with a civil and peaceful movement, and without neglecting nor ceasing to support our communities. Therefore... In the World... 1 - We will forge new relationships of mutual respect and support with persons and organizations who are resisting and struggling against neoliberalism and for humanity. 2 - As far as we are able, we will send material aid such as food and handicrafts for those brothers and sisters who are struggling all over the world. In order to begin, we are going to ask the Good Government Junta of La Realidad to loan their truck, which is called "Chompiras," and which appears to hold 8 tons, and we are going to fill it with maize and perhaps two 200 liter cans with oil or petrol, as they prefer, and we are going to deliver it to the Cuban Embassy in Mexico for them to send to the Cuban people as aid from the zapatistas for their resistance against the North American blockade. Or perhaps there might be a place closer to here where it could be delivered, because it's always such a long distance to Mexico City, and what if "Chompiras" were to break down and we'd end up in bad shape. And that will happen when the harvest comes in, which is turning green right now in the fields, and if they don't attack us, because if we were to send it during these next few months, it would be nothing but corncobs, and they don't turn out well even in tamales, better in November or December, it depends. And we are also going to make an agreement with the women's crafts cooperatives in order to send a good number of bordados, embroidered pieces, to the Europes which are perhaps not yet Union, and perhaps we'll also send some organic coffee from the zapatista cooperatives, so that they can sell it and get a little money for their struggle. And, if it isn't sold, then they can always have a little cup of coffee and talk about the anti-neoliberal struggle, and if it's a bit cold then they can cover themselves up with the zapatista bordados, which do indeed resist quite well being laundered by hand and by rocks, and, besides, they don't run in the wash. And we are also going to send the indigenous brothers and sisters of Bolivia and Ecuador some non-transgenic maize, and we just don't know where to send them so they arrive complete, but we are indeed willing to give this little bit of aid. 3 - And to all of those who are resisting throughout the world, we say there must be other intercontinental encuentros held, even if just one other. Perhaps December of this year or next January, we'll have to think about it. We don't want to say just when, because this is about our agreeing equally on everything, on where, on when, on how, on who. But not with a stage where just a few speak and all the rest listen, but without a stage, just level and everyone speaking, but orderly, otherwise it will just be a hubbub and the words won't be understood, and with good organization everyone will hear and jot down in their notebooks the words of resistance from others, so then everyone can go and talk with their compañeros and compañeras in their worlds. And we think it might be in a place that has a very large jail, because what if they were to repress us and incarcerate us, and so that way we wouldn't be all piled up, prisoners, yes, but well organized, and there in the jail we could continue the intercontinental encuentros for humanity and against neoliberalism. Later on we'll tell you what we shall do in order to reach agreement as to how we're going to come to agreement. Now that is how we're thinking of doing what we want to do in the world. Now follows... In Mexico... 1 - We are going to continue fighting for the Indian peoples of Mexico, but now not just for them and not with only them, but for all the exploited and dispossessed of Mexico, with all of them and all over the country. And when we say all the exploited of Mexico, we are also talking about the brothers and sisters who have had to go to the United States in search of work in order to survive. 2 - We are going to go to listen to, and talk directly with, without intermediaries or mediation, the simple and humble of the Mexican people, and, according to what we hear and learn, we are going to go about building, along with those people who, like us, are humble and simple, a national program of struggle, but a program which will be clearly of the left, or anti-capitalist, or anti-neoliberal, or for justice, democracy and liberty for the Mexican people. 3 - We are going to try to build, or rebuild, another way of doing politics, one which once again has the spirit of serving others, without material interests, with sacrifice, with dedication, with honesty, which keeps its word, whose only payment is the satisfaction of duty performed, or like the militants of the left did before, when they were not stopped by blows, jail or death, let alone by dollar bills. 4 - We are also going to go about raising a struggle in order to demand that we make a new Constitution, new laws which take into account the demands of the Mexican people, which are: housing, land, work, food, health, education, information, culture, independence, democracy, justice, liberty and peace. A new Constitution which recognizes the rights and liberties of the people, and which defends the weak in the face of the powerful. TO THESE ENDS... The EZLN will send a delegation of its leadership in order to do this work throughout the national territory and for an indefinite period of time. This zapatista delegation, along with those organizations and persons of the left who join in this Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona, will go to those places where they are expressly invited. We are also letting you know that the EZLN will establish a policy of alliances with non-electoral organizations and movements which define themselves, in theory and practice, as being of the left, in accordance with the following conditions: Not to make agreements from above to be imposed below, but to make accords to go together to listen and to organize outrage. Not to raise movements which are later negotiated behind the backs of those who made them, but to always take into account the opinions of those participating. Not to seek gifts, positions, advantages, public positions, from the Power or those who aspire to it, but to go beyond the election calendar. Not to try to resolve from above the problems of our Nation, but to build FROM BELOW AND FOR BELOW an alternative to neoliberal destruction, an alternative of the left for Mexico. Yes to reciprocal respect for the autonomy and independence of organizations, for their methods of struggle, for their ways of organizing, for their internal decision making processes, for their legitimate representations. And yes to a clear commitment for joint and coordinated defense of national sovereignty, with intransigent opposition to privatization attempts of electricity, oil, water and natural resources. In other words, we are inviting the unregistered political and social organizations of the left, and those persons who lay claim to the left and who do not belong to registered political parties, to meet with us, at the time, place and manner in which we shall propose at the proper time, to organize a national campaign, visiting all possible corners of our Patria, in order to listen to and organize the word of our people. It is like a campaign, then, but very otherly, because it is not electoral. Brothers and sisters: This is our word which we declare: In the world, we are going to join together more with the resistance struggles against neoliberalism and for humanity. And we are going to support, even if it's but little, those struggles. And we are going to exchange, with mutual respect, experiences, histories, ideas, dreams. In Mexico, we are going to travel all over the country, through the ruins left by the neoliberal wars and through those resistances which, entrenched, are flourishing in those ruins. We are going to seek, and to find, those who love these lands and these skies even as much as we do. We are going to seek, from La Realidad to Tijuana, those who want to organize, struggle and build what may perhaps be the last hope this Nation - which has been going on at least since the time when an eagle alighted on a nopal in order to devour a snake - has of not dying. We are going for democracy, liberty and justice for those of us who have been denied it. We are going with another politics, for a program of the left and for a new Constitution. We are inviting all indigenous, workers, campesinos, teachers, students, housewives, neighbors, small businesspersons, small shop owners, micro-businesspersons, pensioners, handicapped persons, religious men and women, scientists, artists, intellectuals, young persons, women, old persons, homosexuals and lesbians, boys and girls - to participate, whether individually or collectively, directly with the zapatistas in this NATIONAL CAMPAIGN for building another way of doing politics, for a program of national struggle of the left, and for a new Constitution. And so this is our word as to what we are going to do and how we are going to do it. You will see whether you want to join. And we are telling those men and women who are of good heart and intent, who are in agreement with this word we are bringing out, and who are not afraid, or who are afraid but who control it, to then state publicly whether they are in agreement with this idea we are presenting, and in that way we will see once and for all who and how and where and when this new step in the struggle is to be made. While you are thinking about it, we say to you that today, in the sixth month of the year 2005, the men, women, children and old ones of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation have now decided, and we have now subscribed to, this Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona, and those who know how to sign, signed, and those who did not left their mark, but there are fewer now who do not know how, because education has advanced here in this territory in rebellion for humanity and against neoliberalism, that is in zapatista skies and land. And this was our simple word sent out to the noble hearts of those simple and humble people who resist and rebel against injustices all over the world. Democracy! Liberty! Justice! >From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast. Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee - General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Mexico, in the sixth month, or June, of the year 2005.
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

브라질 '땅없는 사람들' 대규모 행진 Landless farmers march into history

Landless farmers march into history By Gibby Zobel in Anápolis, Brazil Thursday 12 May 2005, 0:59 Makka Time, 21:59 GMT Rising before dawn each day, 11,000 members of Brazil's landless movement gather their mattresses, clothes and essentials and hit the highway for the next leg of their historic march for agrarian reform. The Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement, MST), is five days into a 17-day march from the starting point of Goiania to the capital Brasilia. Covering on average 15km a day in this 290km-journey, they create an extraordinary thin red line of three columns stretching four-and-a-half kilometres along the BR-060 motorway. Onlookers on a bus in the city Anapolis gasp in astonishment at the size of the march, staring slack-jawed. The MST, the largest social movement in Brazil, has never before attempted such a big undertaking in their 20-year history. On this march, there are thousands of landless farmers from 23 states across the country – from Para in the Northeast to Santa Catarina in the South, a distance equivalent of travelling from Rome to Baghdad. Thousands of Brazilians suffer grinding poverty as a result of disparities in land-ownership; less than 3% of the populatio owns two-thirds of the land. Many farmers are entirely without land. Dirceu has come with 200 other landless from the poor northeastern state of Alagoas. It took three and a half days for them to arrive at the May Day starting point in the city of Goiania. "We have been camped by the side of the road waiting for land for seven years and so far we have been given nothing," he says. "There are 100 families on the camp. Day-to-day life is very difficult. We don't have jobs or work. We want land. We don't have enough food to eat," says Dirceu, a father of two children, seven and nine years old. Below poverty levels According to government statistics there are 52 million Brazilians living below the poverty line in this country of 186 million. Thirty million of them are malnourished while the majority live in the semi-arid northeast. Less than 1% of the people own as much as 45% of the land. "We need agrarian reform. We hope the president will have compassion for us. Before we said he was 60% pro-landless and 40% pro-landowners. Now we think he is 90% pro-landowners and leaving us landless on the outside. He has to fulfil his promises," Dirceu says. From humble origins, President Ignacio Lula da Silva came to power in a first-time victory for the Workers' Party and is a traditional ally of the MST. But the promises set out in the 2003 National Plan for Agrarian Reform to settle 430,000 families, are far from being realised. Less than 60,000 have been given land. Charles Trocate, MST national coordinator, believes Lula is an ally of agrarian reform but there a lot of criticisms of how the government has handled the issue. Conflicting interests? He points to the fact there may be conflicting interests between the Ministry for Agrarian Development, which upholds the issue of reform, and the Ministry for Agriculture, which protects the interests of big landowners and agribusiness. "Lula does ot have the strength to make the changes," says Trocate, who is from the northeast state of Para where US nun and environmentalist Dorothy Stang was assassinated earlier this year. The marchers rise before dawn to start their daily trek "The march is designed to help give more strength to our allies inside the government and put the issue back on the political agenda," says Trocate. "The death of Dorothy was nothing more than those with vested interests shutting the mouth of someone who defended the landless, agrarian reform and sustainable environmental development. "The atmosphere of tension is still there. Anyone who stands in the way of large mining companies and other interests becomes a target and in many cases result in deaths. "Reform is being blocked by agro-business which increases the concentration of land and increases the number of deaths, the number of conflicts, the amount of violence," he told Aljazeera.net. "It is also being blocked by continuing the same economic model. Lula must change this model. We maintain our autonomy from any political party and we haven't yet discussed if we will support his bid for re-election in 2006," he says. Organising the march The march is due to arrive in Brasilia on 16 May where the MST's 14-point demands will be delivered to the government. The coordination of the march is a huge feat. Thirty-one lorries, 15 water trucks and six ambulances accompany the marchers. A team of cooks prepare 22,000 meals a day using rice, beans, vegetables and some meat brought from already settled farmers from every state. Six ambulances and 14 water trucks travel with the walkers Each new day, an advance team sets off ahead of the march and occupies a farm, setting up circus tents and emergency infrastructure. The following morning everything is packed away and moved on to the next makeshift camp. In the afternoons, each state camp divides into study groups, debating the reasons for the march, the MST movement and the finer details of agrarian reform. By early evening there is a festival spirit with sound systems and live music from each region. By 10pm almost the entire camp is asleep, exhausted. More than 100 children are on the march. Those of school age receive daily lessons from 60 teachers while the youngest are looked after by their own brigades', collective groups made up from each camp. The oldest member marching, Luis Beltrame, is 97. "The government is not helping us, the deputies, the senators – they don't want to," he says. "Lula hasn't done anything and this is why we are marching. If he is our ally he needs to help us." Aljazeera
진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

에콰도르 관련 기사 4

Ecuador: People Drive Out President  
     
......... by Duroyan Fertl April 25, 2005  
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After four months of mounting political pressure and constitutional crisis, the people of Ecuador have driven President Lucio Gutierrez from office. In the face of unstoppable mass protest, and growing calls for the dissolution of Congress and establishment of popular assemblies, Ecuador’s right-wing Congress abandoned Gutierrez, leaving vice-president Alfredo Palacio to assume the role.

Gutierrez was overwhelmingly elected in late 2002, on a campaign supported by the left. Styling himself an “Ecuadorian Chavez”, he promised to destroy corruption in Ecuador, remove the contentious United States military presence at the Eloy Alfaro Air Base, and free the country from neoliberalism. Gutierrez had supported the 2000 uprising, led by indigenous groups, that overthrew a corrupt president.

Like most Latin Americans, Ecuadorians have been hit hard by neoliberal economic policies pushed by the US and international financial institutions, including privatisation of basic services that has led to increases in the cost of living; and increased debt that imposes crippling repayments. These policies have increased the economic and political subordination of the country to the US, which has strengthened support for left-nationalism.

Upon his election, however, Gutierrez quickly revealed himself as another US puppet, increasing US military ties; embroiling Ecuador in Plan Colombia (the Washington-Bogota-led war on Colombian left-wing insurgents); increasing Ecuador’s IMF debt; supporting the war on Iraq; privatising basic services; agreeing to negotiate a free trade agreement with the US; and approving oil exploration in indigenous and environmentally protected areas.

As his popularity plummeted, and his attempts to replace fleeing left-wing allies with right-wing ones were largely unsuccessful, Gutierrez began to act increasingly autocratically.

The current crisis was sparked by his sacking of the Supreme Court in December, using a slim Congress majority. The old court was dominated by opposition parties — notably the right-wing Social Christian Party (PSC) and centre-left Democratic Left (ID).

The new president of the court that Gutierrez appointed, Guillermo Castro, then cleared former president, and Gutierrez’s ally, Abdala Bucaram, of corruption charges, allowing him to return on April 2 from eight years of exile in Panama. Bucaraum’s populist Roldosista Party (PRE) then provided Gutierrez with support in Congress.

A country fed up On April 13, a general strike called by Quito mayor and ID leader Paco Moncayo condemned the Supreme Court sacking, and called for Gutierrez’s resignation. Although poorly attended, the protests were violently dispersed early in the day by police.

As the news of the police repression spread, an independent Quito radio station, La Luna, invited listeners to speak their mind on air. A spontaneous outpouring of mostly young, middle-class Ecuadorians hit the airwaves, frustrated by decades of political corruption and nepotism. Callers condemned not only Gutierrez — who had called the protesters forajidos (outlaws) — but the political system as whole, and called on the people of Quito to protest.

By that evening, 5000 people gathered together, banging pots and pans. This was followed nightly by ever larger demonstrations, calling for Gutierrez’s resignation and the dissolution of the whole Congress, which one banner described as a “nest of rats”. Adopting the president’s slur as a badge, protesters produced numbered “forajido certificates”, as well as placards, T-shirts and posters.

La Luna and a few other radio stations, rather than political parties, became rallying points as young people, families and pensioners used them to incite their neighbours to join the protests.

Attempting to calm things down with a carrot and a stick, Gutierrez dissolved the new Supreme Court on April 15 and declared a state of emergency in Quito, suspending civil rights and mobilising the armed forces.

To many it seemed Gutierrez was assuming dictatorial powers. Gutierrez was forced to lift the state of emergency the following day, as protests swelled, and spread to the city of Cuenca. Students from Cuenca University commandeered buses to blockade roads and highways and threw rocks and Molotov cocktails at police and tanks.

Sections of the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE) organised road blockades in other areas in Ecuador, and its national president Luis Macas called for a national mobilisation, blockading the roads in many areas, and bringing out demonstrators in several small cities. While CONAIE led the 2000 uprising, it’s popularity has since suffered because of its earlier support for Gutierrez.

When former CONAIE president Antonio Vargas, a veteran of the 2000 uprising, declared his support for Gutierrez, he was expelled from CONAIE. Threatening to set up a rival indigenous organisation, he claimed he would bring busloads of armed Gutierrez supporters to Quito to combat the demonstrations.

In Quito, the situation was deteriorating rapidly. Police tear-gassed protesters, badly injuring dozens. On April 19, Chilean-born journalist Julio Garcia died from asphyxiation after being tear-gassed.

That night, the protests escalated. Up to 30,000 people engaged in street battles with the police until 3am. Thousands of riot police, with armoured vehicles, dogs, horses and tear-gas were used to disperse the demonstrators, some of whom managed to break through the encirclement of troops and razor-wire that surrounded the presidential palace. More than 100 people were wounded, and dozens arrested.

The next afternoon, led by 30,000 high school and university students, 100,000 Ecuadorians descended on the presidential palace chanting “Lucio out” and “They all must go!”. Police attacked the protesters as Gutierrez moved to fortify the building with razor-wire and a brigade of Special Forces. In other parts of the city, Gutierrez supporters clashed with the protesters.

Several thousand paid government supporters were brought to Quito, where they occupied the social welfare ministry, shooting at the crowds and killing two students. In response, the building was ransacked and set ablaze by the angry crowd.

As protesters prevented them from entering the Congress building, 62 opposition legislators from the 100-strong Congress held an emergency session that afternoon in the CIESPAL building. After deposing the speaker, a PRE member, and appointing a member of the right-wing PSC to the post, the meeting voted 60-0 with two abstentions to fire Gutierrez for “abandoning his post” and replace him with Palacio, a long-time critic of the president.

The Congress invoked constitutional article 167, which was used to fire Bucaram for “mental incapacity” in 1997. Many of the absent members of Congress labelled the decision unconstitutional. Gutierrez refused to accept the decision, arguing that a two-thirds majority of Congress members had to vote for it for it to be valid. He refused to resign, even as the army deserted him, and the Quito chief of police resigned rather than be responsible for the police repression.

Finally, surrounded by tens of thousands of angry protesters, the disgraced leader fled from the roof of the palace in a military helicopter, and headed to the international airport. However, his plane was unable to leave, because 3000 protesters charged out onto the tarmac.

Forced back into his helicopter, Gutierrez headed to the Brazilian embassy. By now, an arrest warrant had been issued against him for “major offences”, and Brazil had offered asylum. There he has remained, with the new government unable to secure him passage out of the country.

Popular assemblies? Meanwhile, Palacio went to address the hundreds picketing the CIESPAL building. Calling for the nation to be “refounded” with a referendum to create a new constitution, he refused to call new elections before those scheduled for the end of 2006.

The crowd responded by drowning him out with chants of, “Popular assemblies!”, “Thieves! Dissolve the congress!”, and “They all must go!”.

While Palacio is regarded as a left-wing opponent to Gutierrez, and has been promising to move away from neoliberalism, the Congress as a whole is generally regarded as even more corrupt than Gutierrez, and is certainly more right-wing.

The protesters prevented Palacio from leaving, demanding the resignation of the congress and the new president, yelling that they would not be fooled. They stormed the building, chasing the legislators out the side entrances, injuring several, and occupied the building. They then convened a”popular assembly” to debate solutions to Ecuador’s legal and political crisis. Resolving to create similar assemblies across the country in the lead-up to a national assembly, they demanded the government break with Plan Colombia, declare a 10-year moratorium on repayment of foreign debt, and expel US marines from the Manta air base.

International reaction The response by Latin American governments to the events was initially cautious — not surprising given the number of them that are afraid of being overthrown, either by a left-wing uprising or by a right-wing US-backed coup.

Cuba was one of the first to respond, President Fidel Castro commenting on February 19 that it was “not unexpected” that Gutierrez had fallen, given his support for imperialism. Cuban newspaper Granma International pointed out on February 21 that the protesters demands for dissolving the Congress had not been met. Cuba’s Prensa Latina news service added on the same day that Palacio could also be “ousted by the people” if he did not “pass the governability test”.

On February 20, Venezuelan foreign minister Nicolas Madure said that Venezuela viewed the overthrow “with sadness”, but that it was a “consequence of the pact that [Gutierrez] did with the international financial elite”. The Bolivian Movement for Socialism has also welcomed the change of government.

On February 22, the Brazilian foreign minister told the media that the offer of asylum to Gutierrez was motivated by a desire for “stability”, not by “sympathy”.

Washington, which had supported Gutierrez right until the Congress decision, has refused to recognise the new government. On February 21, secretary of state Condoleezza Rice called for “a constitutional process to lead to elections”.

International economic markets went wobbly on February 20, when Palacio appointed a known anti-neoliberal as finance minister, and others reputedly hostile to Washington to cabinet posts, but Palacio was quick to reassure international capital. On April 22, he told reporters that he would keep paying the nation's debts while investing more in education, health and the oil industry, and would also negotiate a free trade agreement with the US.

Meanwhile, smaller scale protests continue. On April 22, thousands of forajidos marched peacefully to demand “dignity and sovereignty”, in a reference to fears that there would be attempts to reinstate Gutierrez from outside Ecuador. The Brazilian embassy has had protesters outside it demanding Gutierrez’s arrest.  

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

에콰도르 관련 기사 2

호주 민주사회당과 관계있는 신문이지요?

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Ecuadorian Protests

 
     
......... by Duroyan Fertl April 19, 2005  
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On April 13, thousands of Ecuadorians protesting in the capital Quito were violently attacked by riot police with tear gas. The protesters, led by unionists and students, blocked roads with burning tyres and shut down the centre of the city, demanding the resignation of President Lucio Gutierrez and the reinstatement of the Supreme Court judges sacked by the president last December.

Quito Mayor Paco Moncayo, leader of the opposition Democratic Left Party (ID) and an organiser of the protest, ordered the closure of public transport, municipal offices and schools, as protesters shouted “Lucio out! Democracy, yes! Dictatorship, no!”

About 800 fully armed police and soldiers occupied the two blocks around the presidential palace, erecting metal barriers and barbed wire fencing across roadways.

This is just the latest in a wave of protests. On April 11, a group of about 100 protesters from various social movements occupied the nearby Metropolitan Cathedral. Despite being denied food and water, they are refusing to leave until the former Supreme Court is reinstated.

The prefect for Pichincha province, which covers Quito, ID member Ramiro Gonzalez, declared an indefinite strike from April 12, closing roads — including the Pan-American Highway — businesses and the local airport.

Roads were also blocked by demonstrations in the regions of Imbabura, Cotopaxi, Tungurahua, Loja, Azuay and Canar, and the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE) occupied the education ministry building in Quito.

Several union leaders were arrested in the demonstrations in Quito and dozens were injured by police and asphyxiating tear gas in this latest episode of Ecuador's rapidly deepening political crisis.

Misuse of power

In the aftermath of two enormous protests earlier this year, Ecuador's volatile political landscape took an explosive turn on April 2, with the return of “flamboyant” ex-president Abdala Bucaram from an eight-year exile in Panama.

Bucaram, known as “El Loco” (“the crazy one”), fled Ecuador in 1997 — after only seven months in office — amidst accusations of corruption, after the National Congress had deposed him on the grounds of “mental incapacity”.

Bucaram's return has been long expected. Gutierrez, who was military attache during Bucaram's presidency, visited him in Panama in September. Then late last year, Bucaram's Roldosista Party of Ecuador (PRE) helped block an impeachment attempt against Gutierrez led by the ID and the right-wing Social Christian Party (PSC).

In December, Gutierrez used a temporary majority in the Congress to fire the Supreme Court and appoint new judges affiliated to parties supportive of the president — mostly PRE and PRIAN, the party of Alvaro Noboa, Ecuador's richest man and previous presidential candidate. The majority of the sacked judges were associated with the PSC. Gutierrez appointed Guillermo Castro, a long-time associate of Bucaram, as president of the Supreme Court.

Finally, on March 31, Castro cleared Bucaram, as well as former vice-president Alberto Dahik, and ex-President Gustavo Noboa, of corruption charges, paving the way for their safe return to the country and to politics.

The changes to the Supreme Court are widely believed to be unconstitutional, a view supported by the United Nations in an April 4 United Nations Human Rights Commission report. The report also suggested that the appointments to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal and the Constitutional Court “show signs of illegality”, and urges a restructure of the legal system.

Gutierrez's attempts at legal reform have all failed to pass Congress. The parliamentary opposition is instead calling for the reinstatement of the previous judges and Gutierrez's resignation. On April 5, several thousand people demonstrated outside the National Congress against Bucaram's return and the abuse of the legal system, but were dispersed with tear gas and police violence.

A revolution of the poor?

Bucaram's return has already had a resounding impact on Ecuadorian politics. PRIAN, worried that a resurgent PRE would cut into its base, declared it would no longer support Gutierrez in the National Congress. PRIAN and PRE are both based in the coastal city of Guayaquil, making them direct competitors.

Despite PRE's support, however, the government recently suffered an overwhelming defeat in the vote on an economic reform bill supported by the International Monetary Fund. Sixty-eight of the seventy-one members of congress present voted against the bill, which advocated the privatising of oil, water and the pensions sector.

Upon his return to Ecuador, Bucaram addressed a 20,000-strong rally of supporters in Guayaquil. He highlighted the level of corruption and poverty in Ecuador, declaring; “I come to Ecuador to copy Chavez's style with a great Bolivarian revolution”, referring to the leftist Venezuelan president's movement, whose reforms include using some of that country's oil wealth to fund massive social reforms, such as literacy and health.

Ecuador, like Venezuela, has large oil reserves, but government revenue is lost in the endemic corruption that plagues the country, making such a policy a likely vote winner at the elections due for late next year. The economy has long been a basket case, despite it's oil resources and tourism industry. Approximately 50% of the annual GDP goes towards repaying foreign loans. Unemployment is officially at 10%, but close to 50% of the population lives in poverty.

Bucaram also voiced his opposition to a free trade agreement with the US, and decried “the imposition of military bases” on Ecuador, a reference to the illegal use by the US Air Force of the air base at Manta (the only official US military base in South America) for surveillance and spraying of lethal herbicides over southern Colombia.

However fine sounding, this rhetoric is not new to Ecuador. Gutierrez came to power styling himself as an “Ecuadorian Chavez”, and immediately set about breaking all his left-wing promises. He allowed the creation of US military camps in the border region with Colombia as part of Plan Patriota (the extension of Plan Colombia — the US-backed war against Colombia's Marxist guerrillas), signed a new IMF loan, and began negotiating a free trade agreement with the US.

Subsequently, Gutierrez has lost most of his support. Only five representatives of his Patriotic Society Party are now in Congress. A poll cited in the April 12 Mercopress showed his credibility at only 7%, with 58% of respondents saying his immediate resignation was the way to resolve the crisis. He has been linked with drug-money, and accused of misuse of public funds and of using violence to intimidate political opponents.

While he is still making political alliances, Gutierrez's key support comes from the military. A former colonel, Gutierrez has recently reconsolidated his base in the army. When Moncayo, who was head of the armed forces before he was Quito mayor, called upon the military not to recognise Gutierrez's “corrupt and unconstitutional” government, the armed forces responded with a warning that they would not tolerate “anarchy” in the country and that “calls to rebellion are illegal”.

Despite Gutierrez's unpopularity, the opposition groups have been unable to offer a well-supported alternative. Moncayo has tried unsuccessfully to play this role, but his party's support is limited to the highland regions — although there are indications that the PSC, based in Guayaquil on the coast, may be lending Moncayo, a celebrated war hero, it's support for the next elections.

An alternative to neoliberalism

In contrast, CONAIE and other social movements appear to be moving further away from an electoral focus, instead rebuilding the mass movements.

Much to investors’ dismay, the current crisis has awakened memories of unrest that led to the ousting of elected presidents in 1997 and 2000, when workers and indigenous people overthrew the government by force, and a similar perspective is returning.

CONAIE president Luis Macas has called for the Ecuadorian people to come out and fight every day until “a true democracy” has been obtained, and has started organising strikes, blockades and other protests against the Gutierrez regime.

Macas makes it clear, however, that CONAIE will not associate with any of the mainstream political parties, but intends to build a civic alternative to the corruption of Ecuador's politics and it's neoliberal agenda.

On April 4, CONAIE convened an assembly of delegates from more than 60 groups, including Pachakutik, the Popular Front and the Ecuadorian Revolutionary Youth. This assembly resolved to create an “Autonomous Pole”, an alliance of non-party political groups, to overthrow the corrupt oligarchy and to construct a “true democratic government that will represent all Ecuadorians”.

The popular movement in Ecuador has taken up the slogan used by the piquetero unemployed workers' movement in Argentina, “They all must go!”, but it is also looking to the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela for inspiration, and as a warning of the struggles ahead.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크