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게시물에서 찾기분류 전체보기

325개의 게시물을 찾았습니다.

  1. 2010/04/10
    독일 군복무 기간 단축
    나르맹
  2. 2010/04/08
    2010/04/08
    나르맹
  3. 2010/04/08
    단편선-삼성을 생각한다
    나르맹
  4. 2010/04/03
    2010/04/03(2)
    나르맹
  5. 2010/03/28
    오음리 참전기념관
    나르맹
  6. 2010/03/28
    Piecing It Together: Feminism and Nonviolence
    나르맹
  7. 2010/03/24
    Aldermaston Blockade, 15 February 2010 (video)
    나르맹
  8. 2010/03/22
    2010/03/22
    나르맹
  9. 2010/03/21
    Phamie Gow - War Song
    나르맹
  10. 2010/03/18
    Active nonviolence in Palestine and Israel
    나르맹

독일 군복무 기간 단축

독일 국방부가 군복무 기간을 현행 9개월에서 6개월로 단축시키는 법안을 국회에 제출했다고 한다. 이 법안이 통과되면 올 10월부터 단축된 복무기간이 적용된다. 병역거부자들의 경우  좀 더 이른 8월부터 이 법안이 적용된다. 한편 독일 국방부 발표에 따르면 현재 징집되고 있는 병사의 수는 4만명 가량인데 향후 5만명 정도로 늘어날 것으로 예상하고 있다고 한다.

 

이 법안이 쟁점이 되는 부분은 대체복무를 수행하고 있는 사람들이 '자발적으로' 복무기간을 연장할 수 있다고 명시한 문구이다. 대체복무를 하기 위해선 보통 자신이 직접 기관을 선택한 다음 대체복무 관할 행정기관으로부터 승인을 받으면 되는데, 대체복무자들을 수용하는 기관들에서는 6개월로 복무기간을 줄이는 것은 대체복무의 의미가 없어지는 처사라고 반발하고 있다. 이런 맥락에서 볼 때 앞서 언급한 문구를 근거로 각 기관에서 대체복무 업무를 더 수행해달라는 일종의 '압박'을 행사할 수가 있고, 대체복무자 입장에서는 이를 쉽게 거절하기 힘든 일이 발생할 가능성이 농후하다.

 

독일 국방부는 이 법안을 여름 휴가 전에 국회에서 통과시킬 예정이다.

 

Germany: Shorter Military Service from 1 October 2010

 

As reported earlier in CO-Update, Germany seems to be going ahead with the shortening of military and substitute service from nine months to six months. Defence Minister Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg and Family Minister Kristina Schröder presented a draft law to the Defence Committee of the German parliament in March. According to the proposal, all conscripts will be able to benefit of the shorter term from 1 October 2010, while for conscientious objectors the shorter term will come into force from 1 August 2010.

 

The ministers' aim is to get the law through parliament before the summer break.

The draft law is controversial, including within Germany's governing coalition. Controversial is especially a new regulation which allows to 'voluntarily' extend substitute service up to 23 months, similar to voluntarily extended military service. Given that many of the institutions that offer placements for substitute service complain that a shorter substitute service is meaningless (see CO-Update No 52, November/December 2009), many fear that this regulation will be abused to pressure conscientious objectors into accepting a longer substitute service. This fear is very justified: unlike soldiers, conscientious objectors generally search for a placement themselves, which is then approved by the Federal Office for Substitute Service. This gives the institutions some leverage to put pressure on conscientious objectors.

 

In addition to a shorter term for military and substitute service, the Ministry of Defence announced that in future more of the potential conscripts will be called up for military service. While presently about 40,000 young men are called up for military service, this number is to rise to 50,000.

 

Sources: Wissen.de: Kürzerer Wehrdienst kostet Millionen, 30 March 2010; Handelsblatt: Kürzerer Wehrdienst ab Oktober, 26 March 2010; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung: Verkürzung auf sechs Monate, 26 March 2010; Bundeswehr.de: Verkürzter Wehrdienst: Neues Konzept vorgestellt, 29 March 2010

Published in CO-Update, April 2010, No. 55

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

2010/04/08

그놈의 학부 졸업논문 따위에 이렇게 발목을 잡히고 있다니. 제대로 써보고 싶은 마음도 있지만, 그냥 대충 졸업하고 싶은 마음도 있다. 뭣보다 과제와 조모임이 끝이 없다. 과제라기보단 숙제다. 고등학생이 된 기분. 예를 들어 강남이나 종로에 영어학원 한달 등록한다 치면 아무리 비싸도 20만원? 대학 한 학기로 환산하면 아무리 부풀려도 백만원이 안 될텐데, 그 값의 몇 배가 넘는 돈을 쏟아붓는데 정작 소비자인 내가 오히려 노예가 되어가는 듯한 이 기분은 뭐지.

 

'김예슬 사건'을 보면서 처음엔 별 감흥이 없었는데, 한편으론 고대 정도 학벌이 되니까 그렇게 이슈화도 되는 거지 싶기도 했는데, 나도 어쩔 수 없이 그 학벌 체제에 일조하고 있다는 자괴감이 어느 순간 불시에 들었다. 난 그래도 휴학도 많이 하고, 학교를 실제로 그만 두려고 한 적도 있었잖아, 라고 위안을 하기엔 지금 내가 따기 위해 노력하고 있는 졸업장의 사회적 교환가치가 너무나 커서 좀 많이 민망해진다.

 

신촌에서 택시를 탈 땐 남대문을 거쳐 남산순환도로를 타는 것보다 남산3호터널을 거쳐 돌아오는 게 더 빠르다고 생각했는데, 방금 지도를 검색해보니 용산구청에서 숙대입구 쪽으로 해서 오는게 더 가깝고 택시요금도 덜 나온다고 하네. 앞으론 그렇게 한번 타봐야겠다. 물론 택시비 들 일 없이 노는게 더 중요하긴 하지만.

 

딱 일년전, 시가현에서 테쯔랑 테쯔 친구 타미요랑 한량처럼 놀던 때 생각이 자꾸만 난다. 지금 충족되지 못한 욕구들 때문에 더 그런 것 같다. 벚꽃이 만개하면 그런 향수가 더 심해질까 걱정이 앞선다. 이 감상에 너무 젖어들면 힘들어질테니 워워. 충분히 즐겨야 할 것도 즐기지 못 하는 이 황폐함, 그냥 신자유주의 대학교육의 승리라고 여겨버리는 이 자기방어.

 

 

 

 여긴 어디? 철학자의 길 도중에 찍은 한 컷인듯. kirin 표시를 보면 자꾸 그린라베루 맥주 생각이 나서

 

 

저 멀리 보이는 건.. 남산 타워..는 아니고 저걸 교토 타워라고 부르는 건가..암튼 그건데. 이날 저녁에 마트에서 젤 비싼 일본 맥주 썬토리 프리미엄을 마셨었나보다. 언제 또 먹어보나..

남산타워도 야밤에 한번 동네산책 삼아 가보고 싶은데..밤엔 무서울라나

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

단편선-삼성을 생각한다

 

삼성을 생각한다

작사, 작곡, 연주, 노래 - 단편선 danpyunsun.egloos.com

녹음 - 행동하는 라디오 http://actionradio.org

 

「삼성을 생각한다」, 단편선

SAMSUNG
간만에 만난 고등학교 동창들
누구는 결혼을 하고
누구는 회사를 다녀
그런데 한 친구 양복 빼입은
깃 위로 달린 뱃지
SAMSUNG

맥주를 마시며 시시껄렁한 잡담들, 여자 이야기, 동창들 뒷담화 따위나 까다가
밤은 깊었고 다들 사회인들인지라
너무 늦게 가면 안 되요
삼성맨과 나는
집방향이 같아
고딩 때 이야기나 하면서 버스를 타고
버스서 내리고
왠지 아쉬운 마음에
우리 둘이
맥주 한잔 더 할까?

맥주 한잔 더 할까?
맥주 한잔?
예!

(아저씨 이거 얼마에요? 아, 예. 거스름돈 잘못 주셨는데요? 아, 예. 그래요. 예.)

편의점에서 아사히 두 캔을 사서
아무 구석 벤치에 걸터앉아
우리는 아무런 사심, 아무런 의심 없이
아무런 노스텔지어에 빠져요
그러다 그의 뱃지가 잠깐 빛나고서는
SAMSUNG

보험이란 게 잘 몰랐는데
공부해보니까 정말 너도 좋고 나도 좋고
이게 또 복리에다가 비과세 혜택이 있어서
무조건 젊었을 때부터 드는 게 좋아
나도 지금 들어놓은 게 한 두개가 아니야
너도 나중에 애들 생길 때 생각해야지
내가 좋은 상품 있으면 너한테 가장 먼저 알려줄게
너도 좋고 나도 좋은 거지
SAMSUNG
친구는 확신에 찬 표정으로 떠들고
SAMSUNG
나는 태어나서 처음 비과세에 눈을 뜨고
SAMSUNG
친구의 뱃지가 다시 한번 반짝 빛나고 
SAMSUNG
어쨌든 친구가 생각해줘서 기쁘고

그런데 정말 세상에 너도 좋고 나도 좋은 게 있단 말야?
친구는 확신하는데
나는 아직 여자도 없고
자식도 없고
취직도 안 했고
기타만 치고 있고

나도 보험이 되나요?

친구의 뒷모습을 바라보며
삼성을 생각한다

삼성을 생각해요
삼성을 생각한다
SAMSUNG

 

http://blog.jinbo.net/attach/4651/050929599.mp3 에 파일이 있습니다. 마우스를 대고 오른쪽 버튼을 누른 뒤 다른 이름으로 저장하기를 선택하면 파일을 저장할 수 있습니다.

 

홍대앞 '작은 용산' 두리반 http://cafe.daum.net/duriban

 

 

*출처: http://blog.jinbo.net/yongsanradio/?pid=262

http://blog.jinbo.net/geone/?pid=63

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

2010/04/03

어제 연습모임을 간단히 하면서 '보살핌, 지지, 친밀함'의 욕구가 떠올랐는데 다른 생각들이 함께 따라나왔다. '보살핌'의 관계를 떠올리면 이내 따라오는 생각들. 귀찮음, 피곤함, 부담스러운 감정들. 내가 욕구를 제대로 못 찾은 것인지 아니면 다른 이유가 있는 것인지 힘들던 차에 '그 순간의 보살핌'이라는 표현을 들으니 마음이 좀 가라앉는 것을 느꼈다. 

 

한번 아프고 나니 관계에 대한 고민을 또 많이 했던 것 같다. 이래서 사람들이 결혼을 하나보다 싶은 생각도 들었다. 아플 때 어쨌든 내 곁에 한 명은 있을 것이라는 기대가 주는 안정감이랄까. 한편으론 결혼이  과연 그런 관계를 보증할 수 있을 것인가에 대한 의구심은 여전하다. '안정감'이라는 환상을 좇으며 살기에는 그 관계를 유지하는 데에 소모되는 품이 너무 드는 건 아닐까.

 

그럼 연애는? '보살핌'이라는 욕구를 충족하기 위한 수단/방법이 꼭 한 사람 그것도 이성의 애인이어만 하는 걸까 생각을 해보았다. 친밀한 관계를 여럿 유지할 수 있을 정도로 에너지가 충분하지 않기에 그 에너지를 한 사람에게 쏟아붓게 되는 것일까. 그냥 내 옆 방에 사는 사람이 현재보단 더 친근한 관계였으면 좀 더 편하게 도움을 구하지 않았을까 싶다. 내 옆 방 혹은 바로 지척 옆 집에 사는 사람은 애인일 수도 아닐 수도 있겠단 생각이 들었다. 내게 필요한 것은 '그 순간의 보살핌'이었으므로. 

 

암튼. 내가 사십견/오십견과 매우 비슷한 증상을 보였다는 사실에 매우 좌절스러운 한 주였다. 

 

딱 한 달만 더 버티면 교생 실습. 5월은 그렇게 후딱 지나갈 것이고. 그럼 6월에 바로 종강. 계절학기 가뿐히 들어주면 드디어 꿈꾸던 졸업! ㅋㅋ 백일 동안 마늘을 먹는 심정으로 네버 엔딩 과제들과 인생의 장애물 졸업논문을 잘 끝내고 홀가분함을 만끽해야지. 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

오음리 참전기념관

일단은 이렇게 메모라도 남겨야 피곤했던 오늘 하루에 의미를 부여할 수 있을 것 같아서.

 

강원도 화천 오음리에 있는 베트남 참전 기념관에 다녀왔다. 월남 파병 당시에 군인들이 훈련을 받았던 장소이다. 180억을 들여 작년(?)에 완공됐다. 베트남전과 거기에 파병됐던 한국군의 용맹함을 컨셉으로 전시가 된 공간이었다.

 

역사와 기억에 대한 단상들. 전쟁을 어떻게 기억할 것인가 이런 질문들을 다시 하게 된 하루였다. 참전했던 군인들의 기억을 우리는 어떻게 바라볼 것인지. 베트남인들에겐 분명 가해자였을 그 군인들도 한국이란 국가와의 관계에선 동원된 희생양이라는 그 지점에서부터 고민이 시작되는 듯. 국방부 발간 증언 자료집을 봤더니 거기엔 98%가 지원병이었다곤 하지만.

 

기껏 참전했다가 '국가유공자'도 못 되어서 다양한 혜택을 못 받고 팽 당한 사람들에게 이 참전기념관은 자신들의 상처를 치유하는 수단으로 작동하고 있다는 한홍구 쌤의 말씀. 그래서 그냥 대놓고 참전기념관 없애라고 말할 수도 없고. 전쟁이 서로 다른 주체에게 다른 방식으로 새겨놓은 '상처'를 어떻게 접근할 것인가에 대한 고민.

 

정대협 수요집회를 매주 하시는 활동가 분의 발언도 기억에 남고, 베트남 분의 발언도 기억에 남는다. '여성'은 의미있게 다루지 않은 기념관에 대한 얘기도. 참, 구찌 동굴 재현관에서 나오는 곳에 총을 겨누고 기다리는 군인의 마네킹에 달린 총이 무섭고 미워서..그 얘기도.

 

180억을 들여서 지었다는 참전기념관 치곤 허술해보여서 그 돈 어디로 샜나 하는 의혹도. 지금 전국 곳곳에 참전기념비들이 있다는데.. 정말 알면 알수록 왜 이리 미안해지는 것들이 많은지.

 

'고통과 기억의 연대는 가능할까?'

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Piecing It Together: Feminism and Nonviolence

http://wri-irg.org/pubs/Feminism_and_Nonviolence

 

Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group

Original pamphlet with 21 pictures available from WRI webshopOriginal pamphlet with 21 pictures available from WRI webshop

Written by the Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group in 1983, and published by them in cooperation with War Resisters' International, the text of Piecing It Together: Feminism and Nonviolence is online here with the permission of the members of the Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group.


CONTENTS

Introduction

Chapter One: The World We Live In

  • Women and War
  • Going to the Roots
  • Structures of Oppression
  •  

Chapter Two: Breaking the Chains

  • Nonviolence
  • Feminism
  • Feminist Nonviolence

Chapter Three: Claiming Our Lives

  • Refusing to be Victims
  • Women Act Against Violence
  • Women and the Peace Movement
  •  

Chapter Four: A Time to Come

Resources

  • Bibliography
  • Periodicals and Useful Addresses omitted from online version

The Women Who Wrote This Pamphlet

(c) Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group 1983
ISBN: 0 9508602 04
Published by The Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group
In co-operation with the War Resisters' International

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Aldermaston Blockade, 15 February 2010 (video)

On 15 February 2010, more than 800 activists from Britain and all over Europe blockaded the nuclear weapon factory AWE Aldermaston in Berkshire, England.

 


Video of the Aldermaston blockade on 15 February 2010.

 

*http://wri-irg.org/node/9816

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

2010/03/22

오늘 날 힘들게 했던 두 가지 생각. "왜 그걸 미리 스스로 알아차리지 못 했을까?" "내가 그렇다고 믿고 있던 것이 사실은 그런게 아니었을 때." 수업시간에 다른 사람 발표를 안 듣고 혼자 자기공감 연습을 하고 있었다. 충족되지 않은 욕구를 찾아 꼬리에 꼬리를 물고 쫓아가는데, 뭔가 여전히 미심쩍긴 하지만, 내가 결국 찾아낸 것은 'integrity'에 관한 것이었다. 

 

끊임없이 단련을 해도 특정한 자극을 받으면 몸 안 어딘가에 숨어있던 지나친 자신감이 미처 말릴 새도 없이 척수에서 올라와버릴 때가 있다. 예전보단 목소리도 차분해지고 말투도 더 순해졌(다고 믿)지만, 나중에 스스로 후회하게 되는 그런 순간이 한번씩 찾아올 때, 난 민망하고 부끄럽고 좌절스럽고 허탈해진다.

 

교수, 대학행정에 대해 덮어놓고 의심부터 하려는 태도를 좀 조심해야지 다짐해보지만, 이유없는 냉소 그리고 괜히 한번 이겨보고 싶은 꼬인 마음은 아직 컨트롤을 잘 못하겠다. 아제아제 바라아제 바라승아제 모지사바하.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Phamie Gow - War Song

 

Phamie Gow 란 아티스트의 발견.스코티쉬 여성. 한방에 뻑 반해버렸다.

앨범째 구해서 듣고 싶은데..쩝

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

Active nonviolence in Palestine and Israel

길어서 번역은 포기. 몰랐던 동네에서 벌어지는 비폭력행동을 소개하고 있다. 마지막에 소개된 책 제목이 흥미로워 보였음.

 

Refusing To Be Enemies: Palestinian and Israeali Nonviolent Resistance to the Israeli Occupation, by Maxine Kaufman-Lacusta. (Ithaca Press, UK -2010, ISBN13: 9780863723421)

 

Active nonviolence in Palestine and Israel

When people think of Palestine and Israel, they often picture Palestinians as suicide bombers and terrorists while the Israeli military are seen as bombing whole neighborhoods in Palestine.  The violence and counter-violence and endless war has created a hopelessness about any peaceful future for the Holy Land.

However, during a month-long stay in Palestine and Israel recently, I found something else.  I found something very positive and hopeful and perhaps the key to a peaceful resolution of this tragic conflict — and a possible path toward a peaceful future for both peoples.

I found that violence is not the whole story. Endless checkpoints, 26-foot high walls, and the great fear and mistrust between many Israelis and Palestinians are grimly persistent features of life there.  But there is also an alternative to this cycle of destruction being forged on both sides. There is a larger story beyond the script of retaliatory violence – a story of a growing nonviolent movement that both Palestinians and Israelis are building.  It is this larger story that I would like to share.

Active Nonviolence is alive and well in Palestine and Israel! The interfaith delegation I co-led to this region witnessed, first hand, many Palestinians who are engaged in active nonviolent resistance to the occupation of their lands in the West Bank.  Weekly nonviolent demonstrations have been held in many villages, including Bil’in, Nil’in, Al Ma’sara, Walaja, as well as in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem, some for more than five years.  Israelis (including Combatants for Peace and Anarchists Against the Wall), and Internationals, (including Christian Peacemaker Teams, Ecumenical Accompaniment Program and Michigan Peace Teams) actively participate in these weekly actions.  There is a deeply inspiring commitment by Palestinians throughout the region to keep struggling nonviolently even when Israeli soldiers shoot powerful tear-gas canisters and grenades, rubber-coated steel bullets, concussion bombs and even live ammunition at the unarmed villagers.

Bil’in

On December 17, 2009 our interfaith delegation visited one of these sites, Bil’in, an agricultural village of approximately 1,800 residents west of Ramallah about 2 miles from the “Green Line” marking Israel’s boundary before 1967 and near the settlement, Modi’in that straddles the former border.  We joined other internationals, Israelis and about 200 people from the area, and marched from the center of Bil’in to the electric separation fence.  Palestinian activists say that some 56% of the villagers’ farmland is unreachable because of that barrier, about one kilometer down a dirt road.

The Israeli Supreme Court actually ruled in favor of the Palestinians, saying that the wall must be moved to be closer to the original green line, enabling the farmers to get to their fields. For two and a half years the Israeli military did not comply with that ruling, saying they could not afford to move what is actually just an electrified chainlink fence topped with concertina wire.

As we approached the barricade, the Israeli soldiers launched dozens of tear gas canisters; our eyes burned and our exposed skin seared with this gas that was much more powerful and potent than anything I have ever experienced before.  They also exploded concussion bombs, and the sound of the loud explosions were very frightening.  Our delegation abruptly turned around and stumbled over the rocks and back down the hill to get away from the blinding tear gas which scorched our lungs and made us totally nauseated.

The locals, exposed to this toxic gas every week, continued the nonviolent protest quite close to the barrier.  Some of them had face masks or plastic bags to help keep out the noxious fumes.  One, in a wheelchair, stayed the longest, able to leave, but unwilling to surrender his place on the line.

The leaders of the weekly demonstrations are building a model of a powerful nonviolent movement which is already being replicated in other communities across the West Bank.  Mohammad Khatib, secretary of the village council, says this “experimental” tactic of “nonviolent demonstrations by the grass roots is changing history,” and indeed it is! In February, 2010, after five years of nonviolent actions in Bil’in, Israeli bulldozers have finally begun to move the barrier back toward the green line.  It gives the Palestinian people great hope for the possibilities in the future if they persist, nonviolently.

Nil’in

Four miles west of Bil’in is the village of Nil’in where residents, joined by Israeli and international activists, have been staging weekly demonstrations against a nearby expansion of the Israeli West Bank barrier there. This barrier has appropriated  approximately one-third of Nil’in’s land – similar to the percentage in Bil’in.  On July 28, 2008, 10-year-old Ahmed Moussa was fatally shot by Israeli soldiers during one of these  anti-barrier protest demonstrations.

Then, on March 13, 2009, U.S. citizen Tristan Anderson, of Oakland, California was critically injured when he was struck in the head by a gas canister.  It was fired by Israeli soldiers after the weekly protest had already ended.  One year later he remains in an Israeli hospital near Tel Aviv, and is beginning to talk and walk with the help of a walker. Tristan’s only “weapon” was the camera he was using to take photographs of the demonstration.

Other peaceful activists have been killed in these protests, and more than 11,000 Palestinians have been imprisoned for nonviolent resistance.  However, the commitment of the Palestinian people to continue the struggle nonviolently is unwavering. They use an Arabic word “Al-Samoud (الصمود)” which means perseverance or steadfastness.  Palestinians practice Al-Samoud daily by refusing to leave even in the face of heavy intimidation by Israeli military and armed settlers who are trying to confiscate their lands and remove them from their homes.

Al-Samoud motivates them to replant their olive trees when they are uprooted, to rebuild their homes when they are bulldozed, to refuse blank checks from Israeli settlers trying to “buy” their homes or land, and for Palestinian children to keep walking to school even when settlers taunt and throw stones at them.

The Palestinians are steadfast even when they can’t reach their fields, when their homes are raided in the middle of the night and members of their families are arrested, and in so many other ways.  Their perseverance is an amazing model of nonviolent resistance and relentless persistence.

al-Ma’sara

Mahmoud Zwahre, Mayor of al-Ma’sara, Head of the al-Ma’sara Popular Committee, and a leader of the nonviolent resistance.

On another Friday, we joined the demonstration in al-Ma’sara, south of Bethlehem, where approximately 200 villagers, with Israeli and international supporters, marched peacefully to the edge of town. Although there is already a large wall which separates the Palestinians from their fields, the Israeli soldiers erected a large barbed wire bulwark even closer to al-Ma’sara, as part of their ongoing acts of intimidation. In addition, behind the barbed wire fence were more than seventy-five well armed Israeli soldiers, supported by six military vehicles—all for a peaceful, nonviolent demonstration.

When we reached the barbed wire barricade, we stopped; leaders of the march, villagers, and a former Israeli bomber pilot spoke passionately about the apartheid wall.  One local woman, accompanied by her two young children, held up a photograph of her older son.  He and her husband were arrested by the military and are being held indefinitely in an Israeli prison. This woman’s home has also been bulldozed by Israeli soldiers in their ongoing aggression towards the villagers.

She shared her anguish over the loss of her family members and her home, and her determination to continue the nonviolent struggle to end the Israeli occupation of their fields and their country. She spoke of her hope that the apartheid wall be torn down.  Her commitment to nonviolence was truly remarkable in the face of such deep grief and on-going violence towards her family.

After the rally was officially ended, people slowly began walking back down the road into al-Ma’sara. The soldiers crossed the barbed wire, and began aggressively pushing the crowd back toward their village. A couple of young boys threw small stones at the military; the soldiers immediately rushed toward them, and shot off sound grenades which exploded like a bomb. The blast was both deafening and frightening.

The soldiers continued to force the crowd back into the village, and attempted to arrest the young boys. They were backed up by six military vehicles roaring their engines, jerking forward and threatening to run down any nonviolent demonstrators who did not retreat quickly.  It was very scary, especially when the soldiers and the army vehicles invaded the village.

Finally, Sami Awad, Executive Director of Holy Land Trust (HLT), spoke with the commander of the troops regarding this provocative action. Sami told him that the army’s invasion of the village could end up with a major confrontation, and their aggression certainly had nothing to do with security for the people of Israel. Once they concluded this show of force, the troops and vehicles finally retreated back out of the village, and people returned to their homes.

Some of the internationals were asked to stay in al Ma’sara to  protect the leaders of the Popular Committee in case the soldiers returned during the night. None came, but several nights later, armed military did come and arrested one of the leaders of the nonviolent movement. He still sits in an Israeli prison.

The villagers are well versed in the practices of nonviolence. HLT works with their community at both the grassroots and leadership levels in developing nonviolent approaches to resolve this conflict.  They aim to end the Israeli occupation and build a future founded on the principles of nonviolence, equality, justice, and peaceful coexistence.

Tent of Nations

In another community, the Tent of Nations, outside Bethlehem, I met Daoud Nasser and his family. His father bought their land back in 1924 when the area was under Turkish rule. Now, the farm is surrounded on all the hilltops with new settlements (part of the 500,000 Jewish settlers who have moved into the West Bank).

Fully armed Israeli soldiers broke into his home several months ago and told him that he and his family had to leave, but Daoud refused to go.  He has the deed to his home and believes he has a right to stay on the land which his ancestors bought more than 80 years ago. They are still on the land, but could be forcibly evicted at any time.

Recently, settlers raided his farm and uprooted 400 olive trees which gave his family much of their income. However, committed to a nonviolent response, Daoud and his family have planted 500 more trees, which will take many years to mature.

Daoud’s family was refused building permits from the Israeli authorities for his house, for the greenhouse where they start new seedlings, and for the cistern where they collect rain water since they are not allowed to dig a well.  So, at any time the soldiers could come and bulldoze his house, force him and his family to leave, and destroy their greenhouse or cistern. Daoud and his family are a remarkable example of Al-Samoud (الصمود)” – steadfastness and perseverance, or relentless persistence, in their nonviolent struggle to survive.

Daoud questions, “Why can’t all the religions, all the children of Abraham, understand that the basis of all our religions and religious teachings are the same… That we love one another, that we treat others as we would like them to treat us, and that we are all children of God?”  He does not seem to have an ounce of hatred toward the settlers or the Israeli soldiers who continually threaten his family with eviction from their ancestral land.  Their faith that justice will prevail, and that nonviolence is a more powerful weapon than the gun, sustains them.

Daoud and his family organize camps for young people of all religions, and from many countries around the world to come and live on their land.  It provides a wonderful opportunity for these young civilian diplomats to learn how much we all have in common – and that we need to treat one another as we would have others treat us.  When they return to their home countries, they take the message that building friendships and understanding one another are important parts of nonviolent social change. They have learned that there are other ways to challenge injustice, oppression and violence than responding with more violence.

al-Walaja (Arabic: الولجة‎) – West Bank

Four kilometers northwest of the city of Bethlehem, al-Walaja is another example of a community which is nonviolently resisting being evicted from their land. During the Israeli-Palestinian war in 1948, they were forced to leave their ancestral lands across the valley where they had lived for centuries.  Those fields were fertile and had natural springs.

While many villagers fled to refugee camps in Bethlehem and Jordan, others continued to live on the land.  While their lands had been seized within Israel, they continued to live on and farm an area across the valley from their former community, on the Palestinian side of the “Green Line.” After the 1967 war, they tried to get permits from the Israeli authorities to build homes for their families, and a school, at this new location.  They spent decades, and tens of thousands of dollars, unsuccessfully submitting permit applications.  Finally, in deep frustration, they went ahead and built their homes without permits. The Israeli authorities have bulldozed many of these “illegal” homes, but each time the houses have been leveled, the families have rebuilt them, sometimes many times.

The families in al-Walaja also wanted a school for their children, and  they sought the assistance of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). The UN said they could not help build a school if Israeli authorities had not granted a building permit.   After several years of unsuccessfully trying to get the permit, they gathered money from the members of the al-Walaja community to build a school on their own.

Several more years later, the UN finally agreed to help in providing funds for books and supplies for the school, but the Israeli authorities could still come any day with their bulldozers and completely destroy the school. Such is the state of “justice” in the West Bank.

We were there on a Friday morning, and several hundred villagers, Israeli Combatants for Peace, and Internationals, had a peaceful march. The demands of the people of al-Walaja were echoes of those in so many Palestinian villages who are being encroached upon by settlers:  (1) the right to continue to live on their land, (2) to live in their homes without threat of demolition, (3) that their children be able to get an education without fear of their school being leveled.

In addition, the community opposes plans for the building of a 26-foot-high apartheid cement wall which could totally surround their community.  A tunnel under the wall would be the only way in or out of Al-Walaja. However, this tunnel would be controlled by the Israeli soldiers, and could be opened or closed by them at will, without explanation.  Although the people in al-Walaja feel threatened from all sides, their commitment to al-Samoud keeps them struggling for a peaceful future for their community.

Sheikh Jarrah (Arabic: الشيخ جراح‎)

Sheikh Jarrah is a beautiful old Palestinian neighborhood in Occupied East Jerusalem. In 2001, Israeli settlers broke into a sealed section of  a Palestinian family’s house and refused to leave, claiming the property was owned by Jews.  Many contested evictions have occurred since that time, including one on August 2, 2009.  Following an Israeli court decision, two Palestinian families (al-Hanoun and al-Ghawi), consisting of 53 persons, were evicted from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah.  Jewish settlers moved into the houses immediately.  These brutal house seizures by the Settlers were supported by armed Israeli soldiers and police.  The Palestinians’ belongings and furniture were destroyed, and tossed out on the street, and now a community of these evicted families are living in tents on the street in front of their own homes.

Some have been there for months, and are often harassed or even forcibly removed from the street. The United Nations coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Robert H. Serry, said the evictions were “totally unacceptable actions, contrary to the provisions of the Geneva Conventions related to occupied territory.”

One Friday afternoon when we joined their regular vigil, perhaps 30 Hasidic Jewish settlers arrived in their long black coats and broad-rimmed black hats, and curls (payos) down the sides of their faces. They were honoring Shabbat, the seventh day of the Jewish week, and a day of rest in Judaism, by celebrating their brutal take-over of Palestinian homes. They were dancing the Horah, and enthusiastically singing in the street in front of the homes they had seized.

There was a frenzied spirit as a large group streamed into one yard where four-fifths of the house is now occupied by Jewish settlers, with the Palestinian family living in the other fifth.  A lone, elderly Palestinian woman held silent vigil in a tent in the side of the yard, while Shabbat prayers were interrupted by shouts of “Death to the Arabs,” by the Hasidic settlers.  Later, they graffitied this slogan on the walls of the houses, and invaded another home, beating up two young Palestinian children who had to be taken away in ambulances. This was the tragic way they honored the Sabbath.

Amazingly, despite this continual harassment and violence, we did not observe the Palestinians using any violence – in word or deed – against those who have forcibly taken their homes. For months they have lived in the street in their small tents with hope and quiet determination, or Al-Samoud (الصمود), and continue the struggle to get their homes back.  Other Palestinians on the block are fearful that they will be the next victims of this violence by the settlers who are supported by the Israeli Supreme Court which has ruled that the Jews own the land.

I was shocked by the settler’s determination to inflict violence on “the other” – even throwing them out into the street.  Horrified, I could not even begin to fathom what this kind of hatred has to do with religion.  I do know that I am deeply touched and impressed with the willingness of the Palestinians to keep struggling nonviolently for justice, and a peaceful resolution to this tragic conflict over land and homes.

MEND Middle East Nonviolence and Democracy

Another important part of the Palestinian Nonviolent movement is MEND (Middle East Nonviolence and Democracy) which is offering nonviolent training to hundreds of young Palestinians throughout the West Bank and East Jerusalem.  Their goal is to help educate and nurture a new generation of Palestinians with a deeper understanding of nonviolence and nonviolent action.

Wi’am, the Palestinian Conflict Resolution Center

The Wi’am Center is working to support active nonviolence among Palestinians.  They aim to improve the quality of relationships by addressing injustices rather than avenging them; dignifying persons on both sides of the conflict; promoting human rights and advocating for peace among all people.

Israeli Peace Movement

There are many hundreds of Israelis who are refusing to serve in the Israeli armed forces in the occupied territories and/or are total conscientious objectors.  Many of them have served time, or are currently in prison, for taking this position.

We were deeply moved by the Israelis and Palestinians who have formed Bereaved Families for Peace and Combatants for Peace. Recognizing that their shared pain unites them, they are speaking together in schools and community groups. “We refuse to let our grief harden into hatred and actions of retaliation.  Instead, we are turning, in compassion and reconciliation, to each other – Palestinians and Israelis – with the hearts of parents who want to join our voices and hands so that there will be no more bloodshed and no more lives of children wasted.”

We had not known how many Israelis are also working for the peaceful, and nonviolent resolution of the Occupation.  These include:

  • 4,000 Refusers– Israeli military who are refusing orders to serve in the illegally Occupied Territories of the West Bank and Gaza, and hundreds of high school students who are being jailed for defying Israel’s compulsory military service.  (Israeli law says that once you leave high school you are technically required to serve in the army. For men that can be up for three years, for women it’s 18  months.)
  • 73 Israeli pilots are known to have refused to fly military missions over the Occupied Territories.
  • Other courageous groups of Israelis working for peace and justice include New Profile, Rabbis for Human Rights, The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions and Women in Black who have been demonstrating every week for twenty-two years.

Conclusion/What Can We Do?

Throughout our time in Palestine, and later in Gaza it became very clear that the security of the Palestinians and the Israelis is inextricably linked.  There is such significant interdependence between these two peoples, in an ancient and Holy Land, that they must work together to find a peaceful resolution to the conflict.  Peace in the region can only be achieved through nonviolence, not more rockets and bombing and killing one another.

Unfortunately, in the short time since we were in Palestine and Israel, the harassment at these nonviolent demonstrations, and especially of the leaders of the Popular Committees in the villages, has significantly increased. The Israeli soldiers are using live ammunition more frequently, and are coming into the villages in the middle of the night, raiding the homes of the leaders and taking them off to jail for indefinite detention. Some have even been killed.

As former President John F. Kennedy once said, “Those who make peaceful change impossible make violent change inevitable.” We in the peace and justice movement need to strengthen our support of this powerful nonviolent movement in Palestine, and help make peaceful change possible.

We can:

1.  Keep the courageous Palestinians and Israelis resisting the Israeli occupation and Apartheid state in our thoughts and prayers.

2.  Help get the word out, to our friends and the broader public, about these weekly nonviolent demonstrations and this amazing nonviolent movement in Palestine.

3.  Join an Interfaith Peace Builders, or a Christian Peacemaker Teams delegation going to Israel and Palestine to meet peace and human rights workers working for a peaceful and just resolution to this tragic conflict. I encourage you to join Scott Kennedy, of the Resource Center for Nonviolence, who co-led the delegation with me in December of 2009.  He will be co-leading an IFPB delegation October 31-November 13, 2010 during the Palestinian Olive Harvest.

4.  Send people to accompany the Palestinians in these nonviolent demonstrations and when requested, stay in their villages to help offer nonviolent protection. The International Solidarity Movement (ISM), Christian Peacemaker Teams, and the Ecumenical Accompaniment Program have long-term delegates in the region.

5. Get moral, practical and financial support to this nonviolent movement –for legal support of those arrested, and for minimal support of some of the leaders of this movement who can no longer get to their fields to grow their crops and tend their animals. (Financial support for this movement can be sent to Peaceworkers at 721 Shrader St., San Francisco, CA 94117 and 100% of your contributions will be forwarded to the nonviolent movement in Palestine.)

6.  Promote the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israeli occupation of Palestine, and companies that profit from the occupation and apartheid policies, being called for by over 200 Palestinian and Israeli organizations.  The goal of this campaign is to boycott companies that profit from the occupation and apartheid policies; this action will help bring economic and political pressure on the Israeli government to end the occupation of the West Bank, end the Siege of Gaza and end the Apartheid system in Palestine and Israel. 

7.  Work to help end the American blank check to the Israeli government of over $3 billion a year in military aid to the Israeli government. It condones the continued Israeli occupation of Palestine, subsidizes the building of the Apartheid wall between Israel and the West Bank, perpetuates the Siege of Gaza, and  supports the violence being used against nonviolent demonstrators in the West Bank.  Please contact your Congressional representatives and the President to voice your concern.

For more information on the nonviolent movement in Palestine and Israel, check the following links:

Highly recommended work:

Refusing To Be Enemies: Palestinian and Israeali Nonviolent Resistance to the Israeli Occupation, by Maxine Kaufman-Lacusta. (Ithaca Press, UK -2010, ISBN13: 9780863723421)

I am grateful to Sherri Maurin, Jan Hartsough, Scott Kennedy and Ken Butigan for their invaluable assistance in writing/editing this article.

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진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크