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governance란 '알아서 기게 하는 지배'라고 어제 the left 강연에서
강유원 선생이 말씀하셨다. 완전 와닿는다. 사전에도 이런 식으로 기재하면 이해력
급상승 할텐데. ㅋ
예문 :
지금 우리는 신자유주의의 governance 하에 살고있다.
한국 사회는 완전 삼성의 governance 하에 있다.
삼성에서 돈 받아먹고 프로젝트 꾸리면 시민 단체들은 삼성 비판 못하는거다..
보이지 않는 무서운 힘에 의해 지배받는 그들.
서장, 1,2장까지 했는데 민주주의와 좌파 이런건 별로 생각도 안나고
점방이 무엇인지..ㅋ 노무현 전대통령이 담배 피던 동네 점방 얘기
이런 거나 생각 나고 ㅋ 노전대통령이 진짜 시민으로 돌아가 발꼬락 양말
신고 점방에서 담배를 피우는 모습이 한국 민주주의의 표상이라는
것이다, 뭐 이런 얘기만 생각난다. 쩔어..ㅋ
점방은 주인이 같이 소주 마셔주는 곳.이란다. ㅋ
나도 시골 살아서 점방 너무 잘 안다.
에고에고.. mp3 파일 올라오면 다시 듣고 공부해야지...
드디어 샀다!
생각하고 있던 거지만, 일요일에 있을 자전거 번개에 동하여
내 머리 속에 98%가 자전거로 채워진 이틀이었다.
친구한테도 자전거, 동료한테도 자전거, 애인한테도 자전거 자전거 자전거...
미친애같다는 말을 듣고 친구에게 말했더니 '어, 너 그래보여.' 이런다.
아무튼.
인터넷으로 화곡동과 목동 인근을 찾고, 주인아저씨가 좋아야 한다는
어떤 님의 조언을 생각해서 그나마 주인 좋다고 딱 한번 나온
목동아파트 근처의 자전거 가게를 찾아갔다.
생각한 것보다 초큼 가격이 비싸긴 했지만 앞으로 외출할 때마다
타고 다닐거고 여행도 해야하니 가볍기도 하면서 성능도 좋고, 기어도 24단까지(21단도
충분할 것 같았지만 주인아저씨 말에 혹했음.)있는 걸로 샀다. 사실, 좋은 거 보면
그보다 질 나쁜 건 눈에 들어오지도 않는다. ㅡㅡ;
뒤쪽 의자(겸 짐 받침)는 아저씨가 무상으로 달아주셨고
헬멧과 열쇠고리(?)를 샀다. 가게 앞에서 한번 슝~ 타봤는데 어찌나 기분 좋던지..
그러나, 거기서부터가 문제였다. 아저씨한테 화곡동 가는 길을 대충 듣긴했는데
당췌 모르겠는 거다. 일단 목동아파트쪽으로 가다보니 예전에 와본 적 있는 것
같은 아파트 입구가 나왔다. 생각해보니 회사에 싸가지 없기로 소문 난
문모 대리의 집이 고기였던 것이다. 아~ 대단해 나의 기억력! 딱 한번 갔을 뿐인데.
나 회사 그만둔다고 그 전에 밥이나 한끼 하자고 한 것이 있어 이참에 차나
마시자고 불러냈다. 차값도 이 사람이 내고 ㅋㅋ
회사에선 재수 없지만 밖에선 또 은근 친절한 문모 대리가 목동 오거리까지 데려다줘서
거기서부터는 쉽게 길을 찾을 수 있었으나!
가다가 길 잘못 들어서 홍익병원 근처에서 갔던 길 다시 되돌아와야 했다. ㅠ.ㅠ
굴다리쪽에서 길을 못건너게 된 것이다. 흑
다시 돌아서 길 건너 까치산 쪽으로 갔고, 까치산터널을 건너 집으로 무사히 도착했다.
아....서울서 자전거 타기 정말 힘들더라.
목동은 정말 좋은 동네다. 일단 자전거도로가 거의 깔려있다. 그래서 확실히 자전거
이용자도 많다. 다만, 나같은 도시 초보 라이더에게 인도를 점한 노점상이 있을 경우 사람들이 다들 자전거 도로로 다녀서 좀 힘든 점이 있긴 했지만.
어쨌거나, 양천구에서 강서구로 넘어오는 순간 이것은 악몽의 시작인 거다.
인도 자체도 울퉁불퉁하지만 어쩌다보면 인도가 아예 끊겨있기도 하다.
그리고, 까치산역 근처는 인도도 좁은데다 사람까지 붐벼 결국 자전거 타기를 포기하고
끌고가야 했다.
그리고 또 난감했던 건 어느 취객인데. 까치산터널에서 내 앞을 걸어가고 있길래
따르릉~ 이러면서 좀 비켜달라고 했더니 손짓을 하면서 '그냥 가쇼' 이러는거다.
아 근데 자리가 있어야 지나가지~! 비틀비틀거리면서 그러고있다.
결국 또 내려서 옆으로 지나가는 수밖에.
안타던 자전거 꽤나 오랫동안 탔더니 온몸이 쑤셔오는구나..
오늘은 겁이 나서 아주 소심하게 타다가 누구랑 부딪힐 것 같으면 막 내리고
그랬지만 앞으론 좀 과감해지리.
서울시는 예산 다 어디다 쓰나, 아니 강서구에 말해야 하나?
자전거 도로좀 제대로 만들어달라고요~~!
2/9: The Migrant Workers’ Struggle in South Korea and International Solidarity |
Released 10 February 2008 By Wol-san Liem - International Solidarity Coordinator, Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade Union The Migrant Workers’ Struggle in South Korea and International Solidarity
|
3월 15일은 이주노동자에게 힘주고 밀어주고 받쳐주고 으쌰으쌰 하는 날!
(여기,, 나 있다.ㅋ 니**랑 제*도 있고나..ㅎ 또 고향으로 돌아간 꼬*씨도 있구나..ㅡㅜ )
부디 많은 이들이 찾고 힘 듬뿍 주었으면 한다.
오후 2시. 마로니에 공원에서 열린 결의대회.
이날 집회는 여수 화재참사 1주기 추모대회의 마지막 행사라고 할 수 있겠다.
멀쩡한 사진기를 갖고도 제대로 찍은 사진 하나가 없다. ;;
이건, 마로니에 공원에서 집회 끝내고 종로까지 행진하던 중 찍은 사진.
실용 정부가 들어섰으니 이주노동자들 목을 더 조여오리라는 것은 뻔한 일.
그러나, 나는, 우리는.... 빠샤!
짜다리란 '특별히, 별로'라는 부정부사로 경상도 사투리다.
화요일 수요일 창원-부산 출장 다녀오면서 배운 말인데 발음해볼 수록 재미있다. ㅎㅎ
재미있지 않냐고 미국인 친구에게 물었더니 글쎄, 별로..(짜다리 ㅋ) 이런다.
아~ 이 맛을 모르는 외국인들, 참말 안타까운지고...
네이버에 검색해보니 요렇게 많은 예시들이 나온다. 짜다리는 진정 생활어였군!
짜다리 볼것도 없어요
뭐 짜다리 놀것 없습니다
짜다리 배울것도 없으면서
뭐 짜다리 많지는 않은데
짜다리 짜다리...입에 담을수록 뭔가 냉소적이면서 비웃는 어투가 느껴진다.
맘에 들어. 훗.
By Rupert Cornwell
Wednesday, 20 February 2008
Just a few more months and it would have been 10. Fidel Castro had already seen off nine US presidents, and had he hung on until 20 January 2009, George Bush would have joined them.
Undoubtedly Mr Castro would have liked nothing better, but physical frailty, it seems, has had the last word. But, as long as he lives, his shadow will fall over whoever succeeds him. And as long as Mr Castro draws breath, he will be a reminder of how little has changed in this corner of the world since Dwight Eisenhower – the 34th president and first on the Castro contemporaries list – bequeathed to his successor, John Kennedy, a secret plan to invade Cuba that resulted in the 1961 fiasco of the Bay of Pigs.
In his declining years Mr Castro has become, for better or worse, a listed global monument, a relic of the vanished age of Kennedy, Khrushchev and superpower brinkmanship, and of national liberation wars led by revolutionaries in dusty military fatigues. Nearly half a century on he is still wearing the fatigues, even though the revolution had fossilised into a regime sustained primarily by the economic siege imposed by Cuba's giant neighbour to the north.
In power since 1959, he has been the world's longest-serving ruler (although King Bhumibol Adulyade of Thailand, the head of state but not of government, has been around since 1946). The defining reality of the Castro era has been the regime's relations with the US, under leaders from Eisenhower to George Bush Jnr.
In fact, Mr Castro's first contact with an occupant of the White House was cordial enough, a letter the 13-year-old schoolboy sent to Franklin Roosevelt in 1940, asking for a $10 bill. "Never, I have not seen a ten dollars bill green American and I would like to have one of them," he wrote, signing off as "Your friend". In reply, Mr Castro received a pro-forma letter, but sadly no money – and for his ties with the US it was downhill all the way thereafter. Two decades later, his guerrilla army toppled the pro-US dictator Fulgencio Batista, and Cuba's undeclared war with Washington began.
Successive US administrations kept up the pressure, with the exception of Jimmy Carter. But that brief thaw ended with the Mariel boat lift of 1980, as Mr Castro encouraged a mass exodus by sea of 120,000 Cubans to the US (including many hardened criminals and people who were mentally ill) to cope with a domestic political crisis. Relations returned to a chill that not even the demise of the Soviet Union could lift. Under George Bush Jnr, who has further tightened travel and financial restrictions against the island, the climate has become frostier still.
The confrontation, however, leaves most rational outsiders baffled. What is it about Cuba, they wonder, that makes otherwise sane American leaders lose their own sense of reason?
After all, a country of 11 million people, with a GDP of $45bn dollars – equal to 0.3 per cent of that of the US – offers not the slightest conceivable security threat. To be sure, dilapidated Cuba is no benign socialist paradise. Thousands of opponents were executed in the early years of the revolution. Today, Mr Castro's regime holds large numbers of political prisoners, suppresses freedom of expression and otherwise tramples on human rights. But is it that much worse than other countries, from the Middle East to China, which Washington counts as allies? Yet Cuba alone is treated as a special enemy, a source of potential Communist contagion that endangers the hemisphere.
By one (admittedly sympathetic) calculation, Mr Castro has survived 638 assassination attempts by the CIA, by such devices as exploding cigars, poisoned food and an infected diving suit. Every year a farcical vote takes place in the United Nations General Assembly in which it declares its opposition to America's economic blockade of Cuba. The 2007 edition took place last October, when the resolution was upheld by 184 to four. Those voting against were the US, Israel, Palau, and the Marshall Islands. Oh yes, Micronesia abstained.
By any measure, the US embargo has been utterly counterproductive. Not only has it failed to hasten the demise of Mr Castro and the return of democracy. Most dispassionate observers believe the blockade has positively hindered those two goals, by hardening the sympathies of a strongly nationalistic people, and permitting Mr Castro to present himself as a victim of Yanqui imperialism. Quite possibly nothing would do more to undermine the regime than the lifting of all US sanctions.
There are other, wider consequences for the US, and no less adverse. Washington's bullying of Cuba has soured ties with many Latin American countries. It has also fuelled the growth of an anti-US bloc on the continent, spearheaded by Hugo Chavez, President of Venezuela, taunter of Washington and Mr Castro's most devoted foreign friend.
So will US policy now change? There is little immediate sign. Hopes were briefly raised when the Democrats regained control of Congress at the 2006 midterm elections, but those advocating a more liberal approach were disappointed. As for the Bush administration, it repeats the litany of the last quarter century: nothing will change until Cuba itself changes. The embargo, John Negroponte, the deputy Secretary of State, said yesterday, would not be lifted "anytime soon".
But President Bush, as noted, will not be around much longer, and among those vying to succeed him some intriguing policy differences have emerged. The standard wisdom has been that no candidate will stick his or her neck out over Cuba, for fear of upsetting Cuban-American voters, fiercely anti-Castro and concentrated in important states such as New Jersey and above all Florida, decisive in the 2000 presidential election.
But the political equation may be shifting. For one thing, the Cuban-American vote is less monolithic than before. For another, only the blind cannot see the absurdity of existing American policy. In a campaign where the lone superpower's attitude to countries it dislikes – most obviously, of course, Iran – is already being hotly debated, Cuba could yet feature large.
Predictably John McCain, the all-but-certain Republican nominee, is most resistant to a new departure. Mr Castro's resignation, he declared yesterday, was "an opportunity for Cuba" – in other words, only when Cuba has transformed itself should the US transform its policies.
Hillary Clinton adopted a similar, though more guarded, approach. But her rival, Barack Obama, is already on record in support of an easing of restrictions on travel and financial remittances to Cuba, insisting that the time for re-assessment has come. And maybe Mr Castro knows something the rest of us don't. As long ago as last August, he predicted that a Clinton-Obama ticket would be "apparently unbeatable".
I wish to fight on as a soldier of ideas
Dear compatriots,
I promised you on 15 February that in my next reflections I would touch on a subject of interest for many compatriots. This time that reflection takes the form of a message...
I held the honourable position of President for many years... I always exercised the necessary prerogatives to carry forward our revolutionary work with the support of the vast majority of the people.
Knowing about my critical state of health, many people overseas thought that my provisional resignation from the post of President of the Council of State on 31 July 2006, leaving it in the hands of the First Vice-President, Raul Castro, was definitive. Raul... and my other comrades in the party leadership and the state, were reluctant to think of me removed from my posts despite my precarious state of health...
Preparing the people for my psychological and political absence was my primary obligation... I never ceased to say we were dealing with a recuperation that was "not free from risk". My desire was always to carry out my duties until my final breath...
To my close compatriots... I tell you that I will not aspire to or accept... the post of President of the Council of State and commander-in-chief.
The path will always be difficult and will require the intelligent strength of all of us... "Be as prudent in success as you stand firm in adversity" is a principle that must not be forgotten. The adversary we must defeat is extremely strong, but we have kept him at bay for half a century.
I do not bid you farewell. My only wish is to fight as a soldier of ideas. I will continue to write under the title "Reflections of Comrade Fidel". It will be another weapon in the arsenal on which you will be able to count. Perhaps my voice will be heard. I will be careful.
=================================================================
위 기사는
아래는 그의 서신.
A video introducing two current labor movements happening in South Korea. The crackdown against migrants and the exploitation of irregular workers, as well as their organizing for justice. (단결, 저항하라!-한국의 비정규직&이주노동자 이야기. 한국사회 가장 낮은 곳에서 탄압받는 비정규직과 이주노동자, 그들의 투쟁이 시작된다!)
STOP CRACKDOWN!
http://www.mwtv.or.kr/blog/english
이 비디오는 1.26 세계사회포럼에 맞춰 서울리데리티에서 제작하였습니다.
많은 사람들이 보고 퍼져나가길 바랍니다.
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