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게시물에서 찾기2005/05

4개의 게시물을 찾았습니다.

  1. 2005/05/24
    제이미가 쓴 기사
    무나
  2. 2005/05/23
    "외국인근로자"와 자매결연, "호스트 패밀리"라?
    무나
  3. 2005/05/13
    호흡과 명상 찬양(3)
    무나
  4. 2005/05/10
    반성이 꼬리를 물고...(6)
    무나

제이미가 쓴 기사

  • 등록일
    2005/05/24 09:33
  • 수정일
    2005/05/24 09:33

한국 비정규직 투쟁에 대해 제이미가 znet에 쓴 기사

 

Against Flexibilization: South Korean Unions Battle Against The Expansion Of Irregular Work

 
     
......... by Jamie Doucette May 14, 2005  
    Printer Friendly Version
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The fight against the expansion of irregular work to wide segments of the Korean workforce entered a new phase last week with the postponement of a series of government-initiated bills expanding the terms and conditions under which companies may use non-regular workers.


Bill Postponed

The "Non-Regular Workers' Protection Law," which was expected to be passed in the April extraordinary session of the National Assembly was postponed till the next extraordinary session in June. The new law is comprised of three different bills on the protection and use of temporary workers, 'dispatched' workers (workers hired as casual or contract workers through staffing agencies), and a revision of the National Labor Relations Committee's labor arbitration process.

Following several months of protests, the bill was postponed after talks failed between labor and management groups participating in tripartite meetings that included South Korea's two largest labor union confederations, government officials, and management groups.

Chairman Lee Mok-Hee of the Bill Deliberation Sub-Committee in the National Assembly's Environment and Labor Committee said in a briefing on May 3 that the issues that labor and management failed to agree upon were the terms of use of non-regular workers and the regularization of employees that have served a minimum period of time at a company and continue to be employed.

According to the Korean International Labour Foundation, the two unions had demanded that a strict definition be drafted that clearly articulates the circumstances under which fixed and short-term contract workers can be hired.  The unions also stated that companies should not be allowed to hire irregular workers if their reasons are insufficient or if they plan to employ them for over a year.  In addition, the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) voiced its concern over the termination of staffing contracts as a punitive measure against trade union organizing -a practice that the KCTU would like to see made illegal -- and pressed for the regularization of casual workers who have already been employed for a total of more than two years. Employer's groups, however, have only agreed to a tacit limit on non-regular employment and have demanded that those now on a contract for less than three years be exempt from such restrictions, and those who have worked for more than three years only be provided with protection against dismissal, rather than regularized as employees.

During the Bill Deliberation Sub-Committee's press conference, Chairman Lee Mok-Hee suggested that the bill may in fact be processed at the next Extraordinary Session of the National Assembly based on the contents agreed upon so far, excluding the issue of fixed-term employment, but labor representatives are opposed to such a proposal.


Basic Labor Rights

In addition to setting strict conditions for the use of irregular workers, the KCTU has been campaigning for legislation to protect their basic labor rights. Under the Korean constitution, the three basic labor rights include the right to organize, the right to strike, and the right to a collective bargaining agreement.

In order to push forward with these demands, the presidents of FKTU and KCTU, the two largest trade union confederations in Korea, staged a twelve-day fast in front of the National Assembly building. They decided to end the fast on May 3rd following the announcement that the bill had been postponed. In a joint statement they reiterated their concerns about the bill.

"If there is even a small hole in one of the three principles-restriction on the usage of non-regular employment, equal pay for equal work, or the three basic labor rights for non-regular workers-, it will be impossible to prevent the proliferation of non-regular work and discrimination of non-regular workers."[1]

The joint fast marks an increasing degree of collaboration between the country's two largest labor groups whose relations have been tense in the past.


Protests Intensifying

Opposition to the government-initiated bill has been building steadily over the last eight months. In addition to the recent fast, the KCTU has coordinated general strikes against the bill on November 6, 2004 and April 1, 2004.  

May Day demonstrations also focused heavily on the bills, in part stemming from police action on April 30th against on striking irregular workers at the Hynix-Magnachip semiconductor plant in Cheongju.  May Day also saw police confrontations against irregular construction workers in Ulsan who had climbed an oil refinery tower to hang their union flag and a banner calling for collective bargaining talks with their employer, SK Construction. The construction workers had been on strike since March 18th and are calling for an 8-hour work day, paid holidays, minimum-standard safety equipment, and a designated place to eat and change clothes. Despite the legal nature of the strike, 12 workers have been jailed and 100 workers arrested since their struggle began. [2]

Finally, on Monday May 4th, the chairman of Samsung Group, Lee Kun-hee, was met with angry student protests while visiting Korea University. More than 100 students turned out to demonstrate against university's decision to give Mr. Lee an honorary degree in philosophy. According to the JoongAng Daily, the group blocked the entrance to the hall where the award was to be given, criticizing Mr. Lee for the suppression of labor unions at Samsung and discrimination against irregular workers. [3]


Equal Pay for Equal Work

In a January 2005 report to an OECD mission, the KCTU criticized the government's proposed bill, citing that the government's refusal to make a written statement on the principle of "equal pay for equal work" for non-regular worker makes it extremely difficult to eradicate employer discrimination against irregular workers.

"Without a written policy statement on the principle of equal pay for equal work," the reports states, "there is no standard on which to judge discrimination. The major problem that irregular workers face is the infringement of their three basic labor rights---the right to organize, the right to strike, and the right to a collective bargaining agreement---due to a clear lack of accountability from employers." [4]

The KCTU's criticism was strengthened in recent weeks by a report from South Korea's National Human Rights Commission criticizing 'unreasonable discrimination' against irregular workers. 

The Commission's report was the product of a 2-year taskforce study on irregular workers which reviewed their situation in the light of the UN's International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as major ILO conventions and the Korean Constitution, which guarantees the right to equal treatment for employees.

Cho Young-hoang, president of National Human Rights Commission, criticized the government-initiated bills, advocating that the bills be drafted again to accord with the principle that non-regular forms of employment be adopted only 'exceptionally and limitedly.'

According to the Korea Herald, the commission stated that any new draft of the bill should clearly stipulate that a company can hire temporary workers only when there is an understandable need and, in addition, there should be a limit on the period that temporary workers can be used. The commission also stated that the principle of equal pay for equal work should be clearly stipulated in any future legislation. [5]

The 1997 crisis and the expansion of irregular work

The use of causal and contract workers was greatly expanded after the 1997 monetary crisis when the then President Kim Young-Sam administration passed a series of new labor laws, one of which allowed for companies in specific sectors to hire greater numbers of temporary and contract workers, including during times of labor action, causing an almost overnight rise in the number of temporary staffing agencies. 

The KCTU claims that with the introduction of these temporary agencies, exploitation of temporary workers and job insecurity greatly increased. They also claim that under the guise of sub-contracting workers, practices of illegally hiring and laying-off of temporary workers have also become prevalent. [6]

Since the 1997 crisis, employer's groups have been advocating greater flexibility in using irregular workers. According to the Korea Herald, the current labor minister Kim Dae-Hwan has also promoted further labor market reforms, and has pushed for the implementation of the recent government-initiated bills.

"The bills on irregular workers are aimed at reforming our labor market into that of more advanced countries, by boosting the flexibility in the rigid market and at the same time protecting and stabilizing workers' status," Minister Kim stated in a recent meeting with employer's groups. [7]

How the government proposes to protect and recognize workers' status without making them formal employees or enforcing the principle of equal pay for equal work seems unclear.  Thus, labor leaders say, South Korea's governing Uri Party seems to be following in the footsteps of other neo-liberal 'third way' social democratic parties, putting employer's economic rights ahead of basic labor rights and demands for workplace democracy and equality from labor unions.


Punitive Anti-Labor Practices

Many in the labor movement have also expressed fears that the proposed legislation will bring further unrest and suppression of labor by being used to dissuade or prevent trade union action across a rising number of workplaces. The unions claim that the government is making it harder to declare a legal strike through introducing measures aimed at enforcing compulsory arbitration, as well as intervening on strike ballot voting procedures, and preventing non-regular workers from organizing altogether; which, says the KCTU, will lead to more conflict between workers and government, and harsher suppression against workers in the labor movement.

To support their argument, the KCTU, in their report to the OECD mission, chronicle an increase, over the last three years, in employer's claims for damages, provisional seizure of individual property, and forced arbitration in cases of workplace action. 

For example, the Hanwon Country Club, whose union went on strike for over two months near the end of 2004, has filed for provisional seizure against the union, including 240 million won (230,000 $US) for the apartments of two union members and 50 million won for real estate belonging to another two members. Bank accounts of around 30 union members have also been seized.

Similar actions by employers in 2003 resulted in rash of suicides by worker's who had literally seen their livelihoods seized and sensed no other alternative. In January 2002, Bae Dal-Ho, a union member of Doosan Heavy Industries branch of Korean Metal Workers Union (a member of the KCTU) set himself on fire in protest of his employer's claim for damages and provisional seizure of his personal property and wage assets that had been ordered in response to a workplace action that had been declared illegal. Kim Joo-Ik, member of Hanjin Heavy Industries branch of the Korean Metal Worker's Union, and Lee Hae-Nam, president of the Sewon Technical Trade Union also committed suicide in similar protests through self-immolation during the same year.

As the problem gained wider public attention in 2003, the government promised several times that it will find a resolution, however, there have not been any substantial solutions offered to deal with the issue to date. In addition, the government itself has not withdrawn similar claims against it's own workers in the public sector.

According to the KCTU's statement to the OECD mission, as of January 2004, the total amount of claims for damages and provisional seizure of assets totaled 110.09 billion won (or a 110 million US dollars) over 41 workplaces, 33.48 billion won of which coming in the public sector over 5 workplaces. [8]

In response to the government's continuing efforts to introduce bills on labor market reform without guarantees of workplace equality or basic labor rights, the KCTU is calling for stronger international monitoring of Korean labor practices and for other activists and trade unionists to support the KCTU in their struggle against the proposed bills. As part of the strongest labor movement in East Asia, they believe that their struggle can play a significant role in developing solidarity against the flexibilization and the expansion of irregular work that they see as a new hallmark of capitalist globalization in South Korea and across industrialized countries in general.

Jamie Doucette lives and works in Vancouver, Canada. He helps maintain a blog on Korean social movements that can be found at www.twokoreas.blogspot.com.

1. Korean International Labour Foundation. Labour News (May 4, 2005). www.koilaf.org 2.Posted on International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers' Associations (IUF) website, May 5, 2005 http://www.iuf.org/cgi-bin/dbman/db.cgi?db=default&uid=default&ID=2056&view_records=1&ww=1&en=1
3.Korea University embarrassed by protestors. Joong Ang Daily. May 4th, 2005.
4.KCTU Report on Recent Situation of Labour Laws and Industrial Relations For the Meeting with OECD Mission 18th January, 2005. http://www.kctu.org/maybbs/pds/kctuinfo2/eng_docu/OECDpresentation-editedversion.doc
5.Korea Herald (2005.04.15)
6.Lee Soo-Ho, President, Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU). April 13, Call for International Solidarity for Korean Workers in the their Struggle Against Bills to Expand Irregular Labor. See http://www.kctu.org/maybbs/pdsview.php?db=kctuinfo2&code=eng_action&n=24.
7.Korea Herald. Ibid.
8.KCTU 'Report'ibid.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

"외국인근로자"와 자매결연, "호스트 패밀리"라?

  • 등록일
    2005/05/23 13:11
  • 수정일
    2005/05/23 13:11

각종 신문에서 "외국인근로자"와 자매결연행사로 "호스트 패밀리"란 걸 했다고 보도했다.

이 행사에 유명한 국회의원이나 대학총장들의 이름이 눈에 띈다.

 

이주노동자를 노동기계처럼 부리면서
쓰고 나면 불법이라며 버리는 대한민국의 그늘.

한편, 겉으로는 자매결연이니 패밀리니
번지르르하게 내걸고
아시아 각국으로 기업이 진출하기 위한
이미지 전략이자 윈윈이라고 한다.

 

이주노동자의 노동을 인정한다면
이주노동자 노조 설립 신고를 노동부에서는 받아들여야 할 것이다.
그러나 정부는 설립신고서를 받아들자마자
노조 위원장인 아노아르를 잡아갔다.
그것도 20여명이 한명을 떼로 몰려가 덮치고 때리고 밟았다.

 

음지에선 밟고
양지에선 손내밀고

 

이게 뭐~~니
정말

코리아 재수없다.

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

호흡과 명상 찬양

  • 등록일
    2005/05/13 10:06
  • 수정일
    2005/05/13 10:06

마석 꼬빌이 출입국에 잡혀갔다는 소식을 들었다.

게다가 마붑의 친한 친구가 5개월 동안 임금을 받지 못하고 공장을 나왔다.

진작에 그 공장에서 나왔어야 했는데...

지금 이 친구는 피씨방과 찜질방을 전전하고 있다. 엎친데 덮친 격으로

핸폰마저 잊어버려서 당장 친구들과 연락할 수도 없게 되었다.

회사에서 6시 땡치자마자 불이 나케 나와 테크노마트 중고폰 가게로 가서

5만원에 애니콜 폰 하나를 사고 나니 7시 30분이 넘었다.

요가학원에 가야하는데 너무 늦은 건 아닌지 모르겠다.

대강 테크노마트 지하 푸드코트에서 2천5백원짜리 통만두를 사먹고

또 부리나케 학원으로 향했다.

 

요즘엔 풀무호흡이라는 걸 배우고 있는데,

15번정도 복식호흡을 강하게 하고 난 다음에

크게 들이쉰 숨을 최대한 오래 참는 호흡법이다.

이때 X꼬를 함께 조여주고 배도 안으로 넣어야 한다.

요가장에는 약 여덟명 가량의 사람들이 제각기 다른 리듬으로

호흡을 한다. 코에서 나는 소리도 서로 너무 다른데,

어떤 이는 색색하는 소리가, 또 어떤 이는 흥흥하는 소리가 난다.

어떤 이는 들어마시는 숨이 태풍같고, 또 어떤 이는 내쉬는 숨이 폭포같다.

풀무호흡을 약 20분정도 하고 어깨를 떨구고 3분 정도 명상을 하는 시간이었는데

갑자기 마음이 슬퍼지면서 나와 세상에 대한 자비스러운 연민에 휩싸이면서 눈물이 나는 거다. 하루종일 쌓아두고 있는 감정의 형태들이 눈에 잡히는 듯.

요즘 골머리를 앓고 있는 전세 계약 건이나,

공장에서 나온 마붑의 친구에게  핸드폰을 그냥 주지는 말아야지, 하는 계산과,

꼬빌이야 어차피 캐나다에 가서 살 거니까 도와주거나 신경쓸 건 없어, 하는 합리화 등등

감정 그 자체에만 매몰되던 일상에서 벗어나 감정의 형태와 움직임을 '관찰'하면서 가지는 "객관적"인 슬픔이라고 하면 말이 되나?

 

정리해보니

친구이니 뭔가 도와줘야 한다는 심적 압박 VS 손해보지 않겠다는 이기심의 대결이다.

이 감정이 옳다 저 감정이 바르다 라는 판단할 수는 없는 일.

도와줘야 한다는 이타심이 옳고 손해보지 말아야 한다는 이기심이 나쁜 것만은 아니라는 생각이다.

오히려 도와줘야 한다는 이타적 강박이, 손해보지 말아햐 한다는 이기적 강박을 기르는 경우가 많고, 손해보지 말아야 한다는 이기심이 도와줘야 한다는 이타심을 불러일으키는 경우도 왕왕 있다.

 

음... 정말 써보니 그렇다.

치우침과 강박이 마음의 병을 키우고 몸도 상하게 한다.

너무 착한 척을 하는 건 위선이고, 너무 나쁜 척 하는 것은 위악이다.

위선과 위악 모두 마음과 몸의 균형이 깨졌을 때

어떻게든 그 균형을 찾기 위한 마음의 자구책일 터.

하지만 궁극적인 치유는 이러한 마음의 움직임까지 살펴보고

그릴 수 있을 때 시작되는 듯 하다.

 

나중에 듣고 보니 호흡수련이 어느정도 진행되면 수행중 종종 눈물을 흘리게 된다고 한다.

처음엔 졸음이 오고, 그 다음엔 눈물이 나고... 허!

호흡과 명상은 대단하다

 

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크

반성이 꼬리를 물고...

  • 등록일
    2005/05/10 09:57
  • 수정일
    2005/05/10 09:57

윤구병의 "잡초는 없다"라는 책을 퇴근하고 밤마다 짬짬히 읽는다.

평소 변산공동체에 대해서 가지고 있던 막연한 생각과 동경들이

그의 글을 읽으면서, 어떤 것들은 탈색되고, 또 어떤 것들은 더 선명해진다.

녹색평론 등에서도 간간히 공동체를 어떻게 만들어갈 것인가에 관한

좋은 글을 접하곤 한다. 그 중에서도 사람 사이의 관계가 가장 어렵고

가장 두려운 부분이다. 공동체가 아닌 작은 모임 하나 꾸리는 데도

조심스레 이 사람 저 사람의 마음자리를 살펴 일을 만들고 나누어야 하는데,

매일 매일 아침에서 밤까지 부대끼며 살아야 공동체에서의 삶이란 

얼마나 버겁고 때론 고역스러울까. 사랑이 아닌 증오가 더 크게 자랄 수도 있겠다 싶다.

 

저 멀리 변산으로 갈 필요도 없이 지금 함께 살고 있는 내 파트너와의 관계만 봐도

공동체 속에서 행복하게 사는 것이 얼마나 힘든가 알 수 있다.

나는 아침 7시 반쯤 일어나 늘 회사에 출근해야 한다.

반면 내 파트너는 나에 비해 상당히 자유로운 편이다.

방 하나를 함께 써야 하는 우리는 밤마다 작은 전쟁을 치룬다.

12시에 불끄고 자자는 나와, 잠이 안와서 컴퓨터를 하거나 TV를 보고 싶어 하는 그.

게다가 나에겐 오래전부터 불면증이 있어서 잠에 드는 것이 어렵고

조그만 소리나 빛에도 곧잘 깨곤한다.

이렇게 전쟁을 여러번 치르다 보면 마음에 그를 없애고 싶은 미워하는 맘이 생겨나게 된다.

물론 그가 전적으로 나를 배려해주는 편이긴 하지만

 

약 7년 남짓을 혼자 살아오면서

남과의 거리 만들기, 적당한 무관심만이 평화라고 믿어왔던 내게

사람과 부대끼며 만드는 적극적 평화란 이토록 힘겹다.

요즘들어, 내 파트너를 거울 삼아 나를 들여다 보게 된다.

뼛속 깊이 느긋한 내 파트너와 달리,

개발주의의 강령이 휩쓸어버린 이 사회의 학교 독, 강박, 소외된 교육, 외로움, 경쟁심, 열등감과 짝패를 이르는 우월감, 자만, 독선이 내 몸과 마음에 얼마나 큰 병을 키웠는지,

그가 11명의 형제들과 부모님과 함께 살아오면서 터득한 공동체의 지혜에 비해

나는 3형제 막내로 태어나서 남의 마음이야 어떻든 자기 하고 싶은 대로 하려는

지금도 한참 마마걸 수준이라는 걸...

 

부끄럽게 깨닫고 있다.

 

진보블로그 공감 버튼트위터로 리트윗하기페이스북에 공유하기딜리셔스에 북마크